Spotlight on Africa

During the 20-year war between the Lord's Resistance Army and government forces in northern Uganda, community stations like Radio Wa used “come home messaging” to encourage abducted children to defect. Today, their broadcasts for peace are working to heal the north's hidden scars.

"When the radio began, there was a lot of insecurity," Radio Wa's director Magdaline Kasuku told RFI.

It was in late 2001. "There was a lot of violence, there was a lot of killings and one of the biggest weapons they [the rebels] used was children."

Between 1986 and 2006, Joseph Kony kidnapped thousands of children into his rebel group, the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), turning the girls into sex slaves and the boys into child soldiers.

At the height of the conflict, community stations like Radio Wa in Lira, northern Uganda, began to emerge, offering locals isolated in towns and villages, a different message to the one being played out on their doorstep.

The programme they came up with was Karibu.

"Karibu is a kiswahili word that means 'welcome'," explains Kasuku.

"Many parents would come through the radio to complain, saying 'Look, my child has disappeared, I don't know where he or she is. Could you help me find out where my child is?'," she says.

The programme was so popular in reaching out to communities in the north that it came under threat from the LRA.

In 2002 the rebels burnt it down.

It would take less than a year for Radio Wa to be rebuilt, owing to public outcry over its destruction.

"It went beyond Uganda," comments Kasuku. "The whole world was wondering how a small community radio which is trying to empower the people in a wartorn area, can be burnt down, so it really became a national issue."

Avoiding propaganda trap

So much so that even Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni came to inspect the damage, promising to rebuild Radio Wa.

"They said, Tthis radio is so powerful in reaching out to the community here.' So they gave us a wider coverage," recounts Kasuku.

"Normally, community radios are given to cover a kilometre or a kilowatt. That day, he [Yoweri Museveni] promised that we are going to be given four kilowatts."

But in its bid to promote peace did Radio Wa not fall into the trap of toeing the government's line and promoting its anti-LRA propaganda?

For Kasuku, the aim of Radio Wa's Karibu programme went beyond partisan lines.

"Parents would come to the station and make an appeal: 'I want to talk to my child, my daughter, my son, wherever they are, if they're still alive, I want them to know that I still love them. I know that they might have done so many bad things, killed people, and all that, but they should be able to know that I love them,'."

Coming home

The formula encouraged more than 1,400 abducted children to break with the LRA and return to their families.

After the war former LRA combattants questioned by police said they had been encouraged to return home through listening to stations like Radio Wa.

Hearing their mother say "Wherever you are, my child, just come back, we love you, we forgive you," helped persuade them, explains Kasuku.

Children who were abducted, came back, to tell their story and pull the lid off the atrocities they endured under the LRA.

More than 10 years on, after a peace deal was signed in South Sudan, does Radio Wa's message of peace still ring true in the Uganda of today?

The scars of war may be healing but the country is still grappling with kidnappings and killings, this time of young women in the Kampala capital.

Healing the scars

"There are no more gunshots, yes," Kasuku says. "But, when we interact with the community, you find that they have so many unfinished business. There are so many people who up to now have never let go of what their experiences were."

The appearance of LRA commander Dominic Ogwen at the International Criminal Court at the Hague has stirred up painful memories.

Kasuku says, many survivors still live with trauma and insists programmes like hers are necessary.

"We want to continue encouraging people and letting them know they can overcome the trauma, the pain, the violence, all the bad things they went through in life. And they don't need to retaliate."

Ugandan authorities are also keen to document the country's past and are planning a new war museum to this effect.

"People need to start the healing process," reckons Kasuku.

"That is the message that we keep on passing. Even today, despite the fact there is no more war. So, I think at Radio Wa, we realise we have even more work now than we did before," she says.

Voters in Cameroon are expected to go to the polls in October for presidential elections that will challenge the 35-year-rule of incumbent President Paul Biya. And one man is hoping to bring Biya’s reign to an end. Akere Muna has been described by some as the most credible possible successor to the Cameroonian leader. The former vice chair of Transparency International has already declared himself as a candidate in the race for the country’s top job. He created the Now Movement aimed at “bringing together Cameroonians from all walks of life”. Muna also serves as the sanctions commissioner for the African Development Bank and served as chairman of the Ecobank board in Cameroon. Raised in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon and having developed a successful law firm in Yaoundé, Muna says he can help “bridge” the divide between Anglophones and Francophones given the ongoing crisis in the north-west and south-west of the country. However, his declared candidacy for the presidency flies in the face of the more established political opposition and he challenges an incumbent who has ruled the country since 1982. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Akere Muna…

Do you really think you’ve got any chance in beating President Paul Biya in the elections? We’re talking about someone who’s been in power for 35 years.

You’re talking about President Paul Biya, I’m talking about Cameroonians, who really know the country’s in danger of imploding. They know that their livelihood is in danger because the system doesn’t work. They know that the infrastructure is at an ebb low. And they know that the justice system is not one that protects them. So I’m talking about the people, you can talk about Biya. I’m not worried about him, I’m worried about the Cameroonian people. What I’m telling them is that we can fix this.

It also seems as if you’re making the assumption that the elections will be free and fair.

I’m a lawyer by profession, I know what the laws are. I know that the way that they’re made, they’re made to suit the incumbent. But that’s a given and to try and think that you can change the law that you’re now at elections – it’s a distraction. But I think there’s no fraudulent machine that can be above the will of the people. I’m telling you, I’ve travelled up and down the country and the will and desire for change is very high. They can try to fraud all they want, but I don’t think that that can be above the will of the people.

Why did you decide to go it alone in the formation of your own party?

I didn’t go it alone and this gives me the opportunity to set it correct. I am non-partisan and I created a movement known as the Now Movement which is not a political party and non-partisan. But there is a group of parties who created the Platform for a New Republic and they’re supporting me. The Platform for a New Republic is a group of political parties, trade unions, civil society organisations and certain political personalities who support me. So I’m not going it alone and I’m a declared candidate. I think we’re now trying to get people to register because the register of non-voters in the last election in 2011 were more in number than those who voted for President Paul Biya. So we’re trying to get Cameroonians to register, to vote and to control and make sure their votes are counted. When we get to that point I’m sure, when all the candidates are in, the members of the opposition, we’ll sit down and have a talk. We’re now just making sure that Cameroonians are aware about the importance of these elections.

Do you have the support of the Social Democratic Front, one of the country’s main opposition parties?

The Social Democratic Front has already elected its own flag bearer for the elections. I am representing a different group. But as I say, at this moment we’re now getting Cameroonians sensitised, I think coalitions and alliances are sometime down the road and I think they’ll happen.

Who do you think you appeal to - do you appeal to Francophones? Do you appeal to Anglophones? You yourself, you’re from the north-west region, but you founded your business in Yaoundé and spent a lot of time there.

Yes, 40 years of legal practice. I tell you this, I appeal to Cameroonians because of my background. Many of them consider me a bridge, so I don’t think that I’m really affected by this divide. There’s Anglophones who feel I’m a Francophone. I’m not really bothered by that. I think that we have an Anglophone crisis in hand and I am better placed to understand it because I know what’s going on and I’m a victim of it, I’ve been a victim of it myself. I’ve written extensively about the mismanagement of the diversity of our country. As it stands, I think working with Francophones, working with the government and working internationally, I’ve come away with experience in governance, which is really my anchor in my career. I was vice chair of TI [Transparency International] for nine years. I worked for the African Peer Review Mechanism. I was president of the Economic and Social Council of the African Union, doing governance work for the African Development Bank. Cameroon has a huge governance problem and this is exacerbating the other problems. I think I do know what our country needs. It’s a good dose of resetting the country and making sure all identities are protected. And make sure that Cameroonians can actually live in a country that is working for them.

You mentioned the Anglophone crisis – is it really actually a good idea trying to run an election while this crisis continues? Will it actually be possible to hold any kind of vote in the north-west and south-west regions?

I’m looking for a solution to a problem and I’m saying that the solution is the ballot, not the bullet, as easy as that. If anybody has a better solution, I’m ready to listen. There’s a government that’s closing its ears not to see and its eyes not to hear. They don’t want to deal with any of this. So what do you want me to do? I’m saying, the Francophones think it’s time for a change. The Anglophones are suffering because things are not going better. The only way to move ahead is to galvanise and get ready to vote and change the government. Changing the country doesn’t help [regarding the breakaway state of Ambazonia], it can’t happen without bloodshed. So I’m saying, let’s change the government. And this can be done, that’s my message to all Cameroonian people. Let us make sure that we can see the back of this government and be able to rebuild a new republic. A country where every identity is protected, as easy as that. We’re going to have elections, of course that’s why I’m travelling talking to Cameroonians in the diaspora who have a very heavy influence on Cameroonians back home. Tell them to tell their brothers, sisters and other Anglophones back home that it is important to vote. The government knows this and is trying to make sure that parts of the Anglophone regions will get so tense that they don’t want to vote. Of course, such an imputation of a part of the electorate will only be good for the government and not for any opposition candidate. So we can’t fall into that trap, we know it’s wrong, we know it’s difficult, but it’s important to get out and vote. That is the route towards the future.

Your father was Salomon Tandeng Muna who was prime minister of West Cameroon. Not all Anglophones really agree with your father’s contribution in terms of the unification of Cameroon. So given that you’re in some way you’re trying to follow in your father’s footsteps, do you think that you’re acceptable to Anglophones given those divides within the Anglophone community?

I don’t know if my father, who died in 2002, is running for any office. My name is Akere Muna. I have my own prerogatives. I don’t know who says that I’m following in my father’s footsteps. What I’m saying is simple. We’re in a country where those who are the most disadvantaged are suffering and I’m trying to work for Cameroonians. Regardless of whether they’re Anglophones or Francophones. It is true at this particular moment, the Anglophones are really carrying the heavy part of the burden. Their villages have been burnt, they’re suffering. I’m saying that this government now is not listening. Those who want to manage my father’s existence, I’ll leave them to manage that. I have a simple mission that I’ve fixed for myself – to make sure that we can have a country that protects its own peoples. I am 66 and if people want to look at me through the prism of my father then that’s their problem to deal with. I don’t know who their own fathers are – it’s not an argument about whose father did what.

Going back to the Anglophone situation in the country – how would you solve the situation, how would you solve the problem?

It is easy. I think that in any union, the best protection you can have to parts of the union, is the protection of the identity of every union. I think that a federated form of the state is one of those guarantees you have. People tend to forget that when in 1972, President Ahidjo opted out of a federal system to a unitary system. He said this, ‘the federal system has permitted us to consolidate national unity, therefore the federal system permits the individual identities to be protected and to feel part of the union’. Now what has happened is the total erosion of the cultures of the country. The microcultures – Anglophone and Francophone - eroded, judicial system eroded, education system eroded and the frustrations have increased. Everybody who wants this country to have a place in the future knows that every identity of the country has to be protected and respected. Only a federal system, as it stands, can guarantee that. That’s what we’re fighting for – a federal system that will protect the identity of different cultures. Secondly, make sure that refugees can come back home, make sure that all political prisoners are released. And make sure that we can start building a country for everyone.

You said union there several times, so do we presume that you don’t agree with the separatists, those who’ve self-declared so-called Ambazonia.

Disagreeing is a very loose term. The government has said Cameroonians want to be indivisible, so they’re putting nothing on the table. There’s these Cameroonians - who feel frustrated and feel that there’s nothing on offer – are now saying that they’ll go to a different country. I’m saying that you don’t want to change the country, you want to change the government. I’m saying that the system that will better protect the rights of all the minorities in that country is the federal system. It’s not a question of agreeing or disagreeing about Ambazonia. It’s a question of giving a prescription of what can fix the mess that we’re in.

Maybe we can be a bit more specific – what would you put on the table?

A federal system, I just said that.

Burundians go to the polls on 17 May for a controversial constitutional referendum to decide on changes that could extend the president’s term limits. The changes to the constitution could potentially enable President Pierre Nkurunziza to stay in power until 2034 with an additional two terms of seven years. Nkurunziza has already been in power since 2005 and his 2015 bid for a third term in office led to bloodshed. There were protests, an attempted coup d’etat and crackdown by security forces with an estimated 1,200 people were killed. The International Criminal Court said it was investigating state-sponsored crimes against humanity in the country, however the government became the first country to withdraw from the war crimes court. Ahead of the constitutional referendum, the EU warned that the vote will take place in a persistent climate of intimidation and repression. The country’s Catholic bishops also said they were opposed to the constitutional changes, saying it was not the appropriate time to make profound changes to the document. Furthermore, rights group Human Rights Watch said the campaign for the referendum has been marred by violence. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Jean-Regis Nduwimana, a media analyst from Lake Tanganyika University…

NOTE: This interview was produced on 6 May before an attack against a village in the north-west of the country that left 26 people dead.

Have you heard any reports of political violence ahead of the referendum on 17 May?

Yes, there’s a lot of political violence in the country right now. Members of the FNL [National Forces of Liberation] of Agathon Rwasa, who’s the vice president of the parliament - they’re now the new target of Burundi’s security forces and the militiamen, the Imbonerakure. Because the FNL, they’re promoting the 'No' campaign and since they’re voting for 'No' – you become a target of Nkurunziza. Guys have been kidnapped - we can assume that they’re somewhere in a police station being tortured, we don’t know. But the new target are the FNL.

The FNL are traditionally opposed to the CNDD-FDD aren't they?

Yes, it is opposed, but remember that the FNL has two wings. There’s the FNL that works closely with the government. But there’s also the FNL that has former rebel, Agathon Rwasa, who is very well known in the FNL. Rwasa is the most powerful member of the FNL so people follow him and they vote as he recommends. That’s why members of his political party, his coalition, are targeted now.

There was some information that emerged suggesting that the police were now authorised to carry out arrests at night without having arrest warrants.

It’s a new law voted by parliament a couple of weeks ago and the police do that kind of search during the night. But people are worried, worried that they steal everything in the house. Now the police and even the militiamen have the right to search your phone. If you don’t unlock your phone, you will be arrested. So they search your phone, your laptop, everything. You have to open these kind of devices.

There was also information on social media that in some areas there were residents rising up against the Imbonerakure, the youth wing of the ruling party.

It’s true, but the problem with this is trying to protest against militiamen, there’s a boomerang effect, you become a victim. If militiamen are mistreating people in the rural areas, yes, you can attack Imbonerakure, but the following day you will be arrested. Because remember militiamen are more powerful than the police. So if you do that you are likely to be arrested in the following days.

Following the attempted coup in 2015, there was a period where there were a number of attacks against security forces. These seem to have died down in the last year or so.

Yes it goes down because it seems like the rebel movement were not well organized. Even the opposition do not seem to have a common view of how to handle this issue. Whether politically or using armed groups. These armed groups were so divided that it gave room to Nkurunziza to tighten his security procedures. Even to strengthen the militiamen and loyalists within the police and the army. But still, armed groups are becoming more and more united, according to some sources. Maybe in the future they’ll be more powerful or be able to attack Nkurunziza.

Do you consider this referendum to be the effective end of the Arusha peace agreement?

Yes, it’s an effective end of the Arusha peace agreement because of this issue of term limits, this issue of power sharing. With this constitution Nkurunziza becomes more powerful than his ruling party, if not the government. This is contrary to the Arusha agreement which was Tutsi, Hutu and Twa – all the communities in the country have a sort of power-sharing, which is well-specified in the constitution that came from the Arusha agreement. All the power will be centred around the president.

It was both Tutsi and Hutus who protested against the third term for Nkurunziza. Do you see any divide between the Tutsi and Hutus having been exacerbated over the last three years?

No, not at all. The opposition now, you still have Hutu and Tutsi. Even if some were loyalists to Nkurunziza, who are Hutu, they’re now in the opposition. Inside the country, Hutu are not attacking Tutsi as we saw in the past. Tutsi are not attacking Hutu. But Nkurunziza is using this ethnic charged language to trigger ethnic-motivated violence or war. He didn’t succeed because Hutu are now oppressed, like the FNL, they’re dying the same way Tutsis are dying. You see on this issue, Nkurunziza is the big loser and people’s eyes are being opened with these things – Nkurunziza trying to use ethnically-charged language.

There are still a number of Burundian refugees who are residing in neighbouring countries. Do you think that in the lead-up, during and after the referendum that the humanitarian situation could worsen?

The humanitarian situation could worsen if there is a war or if there’s more political violence in the country, there will be more refugees in the neighbouring countries. But if there’s peace, if the regime falls, people may go back home. If there’s more political violence then the international community should come up with a strategy to deal with refugees especially those in Tanzania, Uganda, Congo and Rwanda.

The various Anglophone groups in north west and south west need to come together and talk, setting aside their differences over self-declared independence, federalism or self-determination, according to a leading Anglophone lawyer. Nkongho Felix Agbor Balla, who spent 8 months in prison for organising Anglophone protests, has told Spotlight on Africa that infighting between the differing groups needs to stop. The crisis in Anglophone regions has worsened over recent months with allegations of Cameroonian security ransacking towns and villages, while armed separatist groups have continued to carry out reprisal attacks. Some groups support independence and in October 2017 declared Ambazonia as a breakaway state. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Agbor Balla, president of the Fako Lawyers Association and vice president for the central Africa region at the African Bar Association…

What’s the latest on the jailed Anglophone leaders? Those who were transferred from Nigeria.

The latest is that there’s no latest in the sense that we don’t have any information. Nobody has seen them, nobody has spoken to them - their lawyers and family, nobody that I know. I’ve been there with a couple of lawyers twice and we were not allowed to see them.

Besides from those transferred from Nigeria, do you know how many Anglophones in total are currently in custody?

There are close to 1,000 that are in custody between 2 maximum prisons in Yaoundé – Kondengui principale, where I spent 8 months, and there is Kondengui centrale where Mancho Bibixy, Penn Terence and the others are. There are also some detained at the Sed [Secrétaire d'Etat à la Défense], the gendarmerie headquarters, in Yaoundé. Some are also supposed to be at the judicial police at Elig Essono. Then there are close to 409 at the central prison in Buea, others in Bamenda and scattered all over the country. These are those that we can identify. Some of them have already been convicted – Penn Terence was given 12 years, others had 11, Mancho Bibixy and Tsi Conrad were found guilty on terrorism, secession and group rebellion. So the matter has been adjourned until 8th [May] for the sentencing.

Why do you think you were released from jail last year?

To be sincere and honest with you, we don’t really know. I don’t know what was the reason that they used in deciding to release myself, Dr [Neba] Fontem, Justice [Paul] Ayah and 51 others.

Do you support the violence carried out by some separatist groups? They say they’re defending the people against crimes carried out by the Cameroonian security forces.

It's a very tricky one. I believe in self-defence, I believe in the right for people to protect themselves, protect their people. I think it's a fundamental right – the right to self-defence. But I don’t agree when you go beyond self-defence when you start doing things that are outside of the law. That’s what I have a problem with. I also think the whole thing about self-defence stems from the fact that most of the people I’ve spoken to believe in an armed struggle. Their argument is that, the government arrests people and because they cannot protect themselves, they just kidnap some of them, take them to Yaoundé, and try them - so they’re trying to protect the people. So it's a tricky balance between self-defence and committing offences also.

The violence is quite close to home for you, in fact your family house in Mamfé was attacked. How did this make you feel?

I felt a bit sad and a bit disappointed because I believe that for most of my adulthood I have, in one way or another, contributed or fought for our people. I’ve been involved - the struggle did not start in 2016, it’s just that I came to the limelight in the struggle in 2016. But I have been in the struggle from the days of the All Anglophone Conference when I was a young boy. So for me to then go to jail, my dad was buried in my absence, then to see what happened, but it’s not the majority of the people. So what’s why I don’t get dejected because I still believe that in any struggle you have people who disagree with you. You have people who don’t think like you. But I caution violence and I’m urging all the groupings that we can still disagree without being disagreeable. If we have a common goal, to fight to protect the self-determination of our people, we need to understand that not everybody will think alike.

You talked about diverging views there. The Anglophone movement has somewhat splintered into a number of different groups. Is it important to reconcile this?

It’s very important for us. It’s true that it’s not easy to speak with one voice. But I think it’s very important for us as a people to try as much as possible not to be seen, the perception, that we’re fighting each other. There are times when the leaders, the other groupings and their followers, they spend a lot of time criticising and attacking each other. Rather than focusing on the target, which is the self-determination of the people. If I had my way I would advise, I would urge, I would organise with the other leaders, let them sit down and have an Anglophone leadership forum. Where the leaders can sit and dialogue and try to agree on the things that all of them have a common interest in.

Was the self-declaration of Ambazonia a bad idea?

The time that it was done, I think it was precipitated, enough groundwork had not been done for the declaration. But I wasn’t involved so perhaps they had more information, perhaps they had information that I didn’t have.

You’re saying it was a bad idea?

No. I would not say it was a bad or a good idea because I don’t have the facts that they have. I don’t know the background to which they decided to declare independence. But the situation on the ground – declaring independence – does it change anything? How can we effectively, if you have independence, how can you effectively protect it? How can you effectively live as an independent state? What are the recognitions you have from other states? So it’s not just about the declaration of independence.

What role have France and the UK played since the start of the crisis?

I think they’re doing behind-the-scenes diplomacy. I met a couple of diplomats, officially and unofficially, from both the French and the British. I personally think that they could do a lot, they could do more. They could engage, not only engage in government, but engage with both parties to try to see and find a solution. How we can get a truce from what is going on. Also to address the problems that the Anglophones have been raising. It’s very important for us to look at these problems and try to find a long-lasting solution. The British and the French they should know better because this problem, in a way they’re connected to the problem, in a way they’re responsible for what is happening. So they cannot just claim that it’s an independent state, we cannot intervene. When do you want to intervene? Do you want to intervene when there’s a peacekeeping mission? I don’t think it’s proper. Yes they’re doing something, which I appreciate, but I think that they can do more. I urge them to engage the government, to engage the other groupings also in trying to see how we can find a solution. Because the current situation on the ground, it’s not helpful for anybody, it’s not helpful for the country, it’s not helpful for the citizens. So the earlier we find a solution where we can live in peace and harmony as we used to live prior to the uprising. Genuine peace, genuine justice, genuine harmony, not the situation where one group of persons feel they’re second class. In a society that there is equality, that there is fairness for each and every one, no matter what part of the country you come from. I think it will be better.

Can change for Anglophones come about through the ballot box do you think? With the forthcoming elections?

There are diverging schools of thought. Some believe that an election could help the situation. It’s difficult to defeat the current leadership because of everything they have, they created the constitutional council, everything, they have the money, they have the resources. The elections can never be free and fair. Electioneering is an entire process, not just voting. It starts with the entire process, from registration, access to media, campaign financing, everything, not just the voting. I don’t think that they will be able to defeat the current head of state. I wish that there was a possibility that those who were vying for the highest office could come together and have a veritable candidate. So that they can give the ruling party a run for its money. But when you talk to most of them you don’t have the feeling that they would come together.

So the elections for you are irrelevant?

I think they won’t help the situation. Going for an election when a part of the country is having this kind of armed conflict - because it's a war in the south west and north west regions - I don’t think it's the best solution. I think we should try and see how we can find a solution, address these issues, because elections won’t solve the problem. This problem has been created by the current government, I don’t think it has the ability and the capacity to solve the problem. So him [President Paul Biya] being in power – this problem will not be solved. I think the problem will be solved when he leaves power.

The World Bank this month published its latest analysis of Africa’s economic outlook. The international financial institution says growth in sub-Saharan Africa is picking up, although not quite as fast as it originally forecast last year. The increase in growth has been helped by rising commodity prices such as oil and metals. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Punam Chuhan-Pole, the World Bank’s lead economist for the Africa region…

You say economic recovery is underway in sub-Saharan Africa – what are the main drivers of this?

The recovery that began in 2017 is continuing. Some of the same factors that helped facilitate growth last year are helping to support growth this year. We expect commodity prices to be fairly stable - last year they went up quite strongly. But we expect stability in commodity prices moving forward with a slight upward trend in oil. We also expect continuing robust growth in global trade and generally supportive global financial market conditions. So overall we expect growth to pick up from 2.7 per cent in 2017 to 3.1 per cent this year and forming to 3.5 per cent next year and above 3.7 per cent in 2020.

Nigeria has come out of more than a year of recession, according to your research. What are the reasons for this?

The recovery in Nigeria which began last year and picked up momentum in the second half of the year is being led by a recovery in oil production, commodity prices going up, which is helping the economy generally. Agriculture was also growing last year. We expect that moving forward oil production and the oil sector will continue to grow. The area that we think is lagging is non-oil industry and services.

Is the increase in economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa really likely to lead to improvements in the standard of living for people on the ground?

The recovery is good news of course. But the pace of the recovery is moderate and that reflects the gradual pickup in growth in the largest economies like Angola, South Africa and Nigeria. However, there’s a lot of diversity within the region and we have countries that are growing at a fairly robust pace; and were growing at a robust pace last year and we expect them to continue to grow at a robust pace. For example, Cote d’Ivoire, we also have Ethiopia, which is one of the fastest growing countries in the world. So there is a fair amount of diversity. If you actually exclude the three largest countries, growth is expected to be at about 4.7 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa. What does it mean in terms of people’s livelihoods? Are they seeing an improvement? At growth rates that are below population growth rates on aggregate for the region, you don’t see an increase in per capita income last year. This year, there will be a growth in per capita income in real terms. But we think that growth has to be a lot faster to be able to accelerate poverty reduction and to deepen the gains that the region has made in terms of poverty reduction.

What’s the significance of more countries issuing sovereign bonds, selling their debt?

One of the issues that we examine in the Pulse is to see what is happening in terms of the evolution of debt and debt risks. We find that for the region as a whole, debt has been rising relative to GDP [Gross Domestic Product]. Actually the rise has been fairly rapid between 2013 and 2017 after a period when public debt burdens were falling through 2012. So debt has picked up, the public debt burden - the median increase is about 20 percentage points relative to GDP. But there’s a lot of variation across countries and so you do have countries that have had a more rapid increase in debt burden and some that have not. One thing that we do find is that composition of public debt has changed and that comes to the question of more countries borrowing on commercial terms, borrowing Eurobonds. We do find that there has been a shift away from concessional and multilateral debt towards more market-based borrowing and market sources of debt. We also find that countries in the region have been borrowing domestically, governments have been borrowing domestically. Yes, composition of debt has changed, the risk profile has changed - it’s on more market-based terms, shorter maturities – all of which does raise issues of managing the risk that comes from the nature of the borrowing.

Are you worried about the levels of debt or the composition of that debt?

It's a combination. When we look at the standard debt sustainability analysis that’s done for low income countries, we find that the number of countries that are now being categorised as being at high risk of debt distress has gone up. And I think that points to the need to actually manage debt well and manage the risks that emanate from debt. But I think one thing I want to emphasise is that debt by itself is not bad because countries borrow to finance much needed spending on infrastructure, be it in the electricity sector or in terms of transportation. So it’s an important way to finance development, but it’s important to also have the capacity to repay that debt.

You pick out Ethiopia as likely to remain the fastest growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Is this likely to be affected by the appointment of the new prime minister recently?

We have been looking at the global trends and the potential of the country, so the answer on that is - our projections on that have not been affected by that.

Your outlook highlights one of the main risks as the situation in the US. Could you explain what threat you see here in terms of Africa’s economic growth?

The risks are more balanced moving forward although they are on the downside. The risks globally coming from the US would be more in terms of a faster pace of normalisation of monetary policy. So if interest rate adjustments were faster than expected, that could affect financial market conditions globally. Which then comes to market risks for countries having to manage their borrowings in Euro markets or external borrowing. Then of course there is that faster growth in the US is actually a plus for the global economy and for sub-Saharan Africa. Trade tensions could be a downside risk. But I think all that remains to be seen.

The conflict in the Central African Republic has pitted sectarian militias against each other at the cost of thousands of lives. But could it be resolved through a game? That's the aim of one African developer called Teddy Kossoko, whose new game Kissoro Tribal Game hopes to create a virtual peace that could inspire the whole of the African continent.

"Many people around the world don’t know that the Central African Republic even exists," Teddy Kossoko told RFI.

It was partly to tackle this ignorance that the young developer came up with the idea to create a game dedicated to African culture.

What better than using an ancestral tradition like Kissoro, a board game played in all African countries and able to unite thousands.

That's how Kissoro Tribal Game started.

It depicts the story of two rival kingdoms that are locked in a bloody battle for control of their local river, and access to its rich resources. It's a classic story played out all too often on the African continent.

Today Kossoko wants to change the narrative.

"The aim of my project is to promote my country first, the Central African Republic, a country that is renowned in the world," says the 23 year-old. "And also to value Africa and show that Africa can bring a lot to the world in terms of culture.”

The Central African Republic (CAR) is above all renowned for violence.

The country has been in turmoil since 2013 when former president François Bozizé was overthrown, sparking conflict between the Seleka and anti-Balaka militias.

Rich in gold, diamonds, timber and uranium, CAR has proved irresistible to warlords and has seen six coups since independence in 1960.

Kossoko believes his game can change people’s perceptions of a country plagued by violence.

Message to the people

"I wanted to show people that in my country there is not only conflict," he says. "There are many people, we can share ideas, we can innovate, we can also try to fight war using peaceful tools."

That tool is Kissoro. The game's main character is a young orphan.

"One day there is a young orphan who decided to tell to his king that they have nothing in common with the opponent but they have just this board game, so why couldn't they use this board game to resolve the conflict?"

This is the Central African Republic that Kossoko chooses to see, a country of peace. A fiction that the young developer hopes will one day become reality.

"In my country, it is very difficult to talk about the situation and so, thanks to my game, it was a bit easy to say to people that they have to stop the war, and they have to find solutions themselves. Solutions are not going to come from elites, from the United Nations, or any other country, people have to take their lives in their hands and fight for solutions."

The virtual peace offered by Kissoro Tribal Game is far removed from the current violence in the CAR, which has seen an upsurge in violence that has left at least 21 people dead, including one UN peacekeeper, killed during an exchange of fire with armed elements on Tuesday 10 April.

Most of those killed were young people, enrolled by criminal gangs, according to the head of the UN peacekeeping mission.

Kossoko wants to offer Africa's youth alternatives to violence.

Put down the guns

"Young people do not have to take guns to resolve these conflicts," he insists. "There are many peaceful ways, they must be source of proposition like the character of my game."

Since the start of the latest conflict in 2012, up to 10,000 children have been enrolled by rebel groups on both sides of the divide, according to the UN's  Unicef.

Given the gravity of the situation, is it fair to make a game out of a cruel reality?

"I took care to put very quickly the light on the main character: the young orphan who will save the kingdom," insists Kossoko.

"Clearly this player’s objective is to quickly show that war is not the solution. Also in my game I do not say that this or that kingdom is responsible for the war, but that the war divides instead of gathering. People will win more to sit around a table and play a game. They will see that they have many things in common."

Discovered gaming culture in France

Born in the CAR, Kossoko moved to France at the onset of the 2012 conflict to study computer science and management and he was introduced to gaming culture.

But he never forgot his past.

"I experienced the war in 1998 and the coup d’état in 2003 and so for me these are very bad experiences," he recalls.

In 2012, a few months after Kossoko let for France, his country sank into another crisis, "the deadliest of its history, so I know that war is something that is very horrible," he says.

This explains why he is committed to projects that promote peace and fraternity.

Politicians show interest

His game has attracted wide interest, including from CAR politicians who are using it as a weapon of reconciliation.

"I’m very surprised," says the developer.

"At the beginning, I was very happy and it has been an honour for me to see that many people in my country and even government officials are playing this game and I think that the work I do has a positive echo even to politicians, and for me that is a good sign for the future."

Kissoro Tribal Game and its counterparts are part of a movement that aims to amplify African myths, stories and traditions.

With its African myths and legends, the game has been compared to the blockbuster movie Black Panther, a film that also portrays the continent in a positive light.

After the success of Kissoro Tribal Game, what next for Kossoko?

"With my team, we are preparing another project more ambitious that will allow Africa and the world youth to discover one of the most powerful kingdoms of its time, the Songhai empire," he explains.

The new project portrays a Central African detective, who, bored with his investigations, decides to unlock the murder mystery of one of the greatest conquerors of the 14th century, Sonni Ali Ber.

"We want the African youth to know that they have a great past and they must work hard to have a great future too," Kossoko says.

The ability of small and medium-sized businesses to access financing is described as one of the biggest challenges to economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa. One startup is trying to change the landscape using innovative technology to reach entrepreneurs who would otherwise miss out on funding by traditional banks and credit organisations.

“Ovamba provides small and medium enterprises with short-term capital to fund the purchase of inventory from both domestic and international sources,” Viola Llewellyn, co-founder of Ovamba, told Spotlight on Africa on the sidelines of the Afric@Tech event in Paris.

Traditional banks and microfinance credit organisations are too slow at decision making, says Llewellyn - “they're the bottleneck”. Ovamba currently operates in Cameroon and Cote d’Ivoire and has originated some 144 million euros in funding for small and medium-sized businesses.

The five-year-old startup’s first customer was a female pharmacist who could not get a loan to buy medication, including anti-retroviral drugs for HIV treatment. She was turned down by the banks because she was a woman and a scientist, says Llewellyn. Nevertheless, Ovamba provided 12,000 euros in funding and the entrepreneur returned a number of times for further financing.

Ovamba’s innovation lies in the way in which it assesses risk and compliance in an African context, says Llewellyn, outlining how Western financial institutions have created a system that does not necessarily fit to a continent with different cultures and societies. The startup instead concentrates on what it describes as “African data”.

“We look for information – anecdotal or otherwise – and run it through our machine learning, in order to test certain hypotheses to see whether or not they stand up honesty and repay-ability,” the Ovamba president says.

Llewellyn does not want to reveal Ovamba’s “secret sauce”, however, their analysis might for instance look at different ethnic groups’ relationship with authority or role in society. The startup, which is incorporated in Maryland, US, uses algorithms to recognise patterns in the data they collect.

“For example, you take a person who comes from a family or an ethnic group that has been purely involved in agriculture and they suddenly decide that they want to be in business – there are certain skills sets and hurdles, the way African societies are set up, that are going to have an impact on that,” says Llewellyn.

Llewellyn, who grew up in the UK with her Cameroonian parents, is keen to point out that Ovamba is not providing loans, it is funding the purchase of goods and taking ownership of them, with the business in question buying them back over time. It also boosts returns of more 15 per cent for investors.

“The need and the credit gap in Africa is very real,” says Llewellyn. A 2017 report by the International Finance Corporation, part of the World Bank group, estimates a 312 billion dollar shortfall in financing for micro, small and medium-sized enterprises in sub-Saharan Africa.

“Lack of access to finance is one of the biggest hurdles small businesses face that prevent them from growing and creating jobs,” Philippe Le Houérou, chief executive officer of the International Finance Corporation, says in the report.

The Ovamba co-founder says one of the businesses she is “truly excited” about at the moment is one providing supplies and parts for motorbikes and cars. She describes one entrepreneur who is on his “third or fourth transaction for 500,000 euros” providing engine oil.

“This guy was low on the totem pole and is accelerating and has shown 450 per cent growth,” says Llewellyn, describing a moment the entrepreneur’s rapid growth led to his Moroccan supplier getting in touch with Ovamba and asking - “who are you people?” – incredulous at the speed of the entrepreneur’s development.

Another business she likes is supplying tyres. “They were only ordering one case of tyres every two or three months,” Llewellyn says, “they’re now doing four every two months,” after receiving Ovamba funding.

The startup is looking at expanding into Sudan or Ghana. “Sudan is a key opportunity where they have to rebuild the banking sector.” The company's technology hub is based in India and its funds are domiciled in Mauritius.

Furthermore, Llewellyn says Ovamba provides a “pan-African solution” that works anywhere with “a formal or informal sector that has a problem with financial service access”. She says the startup has also had interest from Latin America where small and medium-sized businesses face similar challenges.

The Ovamba co-founder spoke to Spotlight on Africa following her participation in the Afric@Tech panel organised by VivaTech on 21 March. The French startup event organiser will hold its 2018 edition in Paris on 24-26 May at Porte de Versailles.

Tunisian authorities need to boost investment and continue with economic reforms to help create new jobs, according to a new report by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. The international economic body has published its first economic survey of Tunisia since the 2011 toppling of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.

“The Tunisian economy and society has changed quite substantially in the last few years,” Alvaro Pereira, the OECD’s acting chief economist, told Spotlight on Africa. “There were some issues that needed to be solved and I think they’re getting more pressing.”

A lack of jobs and high prices were two of the major factors contributing to mass protests that led to the so-called Arab Spring in 2011. And there have been some improvements since the overthrow of Ben Ali, according to the OECD’s research.

“Poverty has declined quite substantially if you compare Tunisia with countries like Indonesia, India and many other emerging market economies,” says Pereira, during a telephone interview from Tunis.

“One of the consequences of the revolution has been to help some of the poorest parts of society and make growth more inclusive,” the economist adds. However, many people still do not have jobs while others are working in the informal sector or relying on family to get by.

The OECD, a club of mainly rich countries, says facilitating and boosting investment will help create new jobs. Removing barriers to entrepreneurship and simplifying complex legislation will also spur economic growth.

But the conditions to create jobs, which should be a top priority for Tunisia, are not in place yet, says Pereira, who previously served as minister for economy and employment in Portugal.

“There’s sectors that are still closed to competition, there’s some rent seeking behaviour, there’s some monopolies and oligopolies that need to be open to competition,” he says.

Uncertainty following Tunisia’s so-called Jasmine Revolution, coupled with the sharp decline in visitors following terrorist attacks in 2015, put the country’s tourism industry in jeopardy. Three years later the outlook is starting to look brighter, according to the OECD’s top economist.

“Tourism is starting to grow fairly significantly in Tunisia,” says Pereira, referring to the improving security situation. “We believe that the potential for tourism to continue to dramatically grow will continue over the next few months and years,” he says, adding that it is time for the government to open up the sector to investment and economic liberalisation.

Tunisia is also dealing with the repercussions from civil war in neighbouring Libya. Pereira says the outbreak of war following the end of Muammar Gaddafi’s reign resulted in a large displacement of people as well as an impact on investment and trade between the two countries.

“We do see Libya as an upside risk for Tunisia,” the economist says. “If the Libyan situation continues to stabilise, this will have a very positive impact on Tunisia.”

The civil war in Libya has affected remittances from Tunisian workers in Libya, the businesses and services servicing Libyans in Tunisia and private investment flows between the two countries, according to a 2017 report by the UN Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia.

The Tunisian authorities have already begun to put in place some economic reforms such as changes on rules surrounding overseas investment. New laws on foreign investment, voted by parliament in 2016, aim to give foreign investors more flexibility on transferring funds and certain tax benefits for major projects, but he says these need to be followed through.

Pereira, who was previously responsible for economic reforms in Portugal, says the government must make sure regulation is being implemented by the authorities and any existing backlog of investment must be cleared. Some projects remain stalled over approvals and contracts not yet in place.

“Dramatically simplify licensing,” he says, referring to the Tunisia’s bureaucracy. “Licensing and registering a company in this country is still very difficult,” Pereira says, describing the streamlining of legislation as helping to tap the country’s potential.

The government is also somewhat constrained by its fiscal situation, running a twin deficit, Pereira says. This means the country imports more than it exports and the government spends more than it generates in taxes.

The OECD economist says the best way to tackle this is to remain “fiscally prudent at the same time as you do reforms”. This year’s budget makes some attempt at cutting the deficit with increased taxes on cars, alcohol, phone calls, the internet, hotel accommodation and other items, according to a Reuters news report.

Pereira points to forecasts of 2.8 per cent economic growth for 2018, accelerating to 3.4 per cent next year.

“We do predict that growth will be much healthier this year and next,” he says. “We see some reforms that are being undertaken right now and I believe that this government is undertaking courageous reform that needs to be nourished and supported.”