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I pose this question because as love and happiness are shared
human desires, I have essentially always heard black gay and queer
men say that they want a “masculine” man. Their presentation
notwithstanding, a large number of black gay men have made
masculinity their standard for love; and thereby, have attached much
of their happiness to something that – many would say – is largely
external and performative. That begs the question what is invaluable
or superior about masculinity? What gives masculinity its privilege?
And importantly from what power structure or binding source have so
many of us gotten that perception of masculinity from?
I led a measured conversation with Dr. Ed Rice and Michael Sorrells about what masculinity means to us as individuals and to our community. I asked each man to define masculinity as he lives it. Dr. Rice spoke of presentation, how one shows up, and how masculine and feminine traits shift by context. Michael described masculinity as the freedom and comfort to be fully oneself. We agreed that definitions vary by upbringing, place, and culture. We also argued that many traits labeled masculine or feminine are simply shared human strengths and that power structures shape how those labels gain prestige. We probed whether masculinity is performative or intrinsic. We discussed historical and social forces that attach value to stoicism, control, and dominance. I raised how Black women who raise sons often enact traits deemed masculine, and we asked whether those acts are parenting rather than gendered performance. Dr. Rice and Michael emphasized that survival and context shape behavior, and that we must question inherited standards that may cage our hopes and loves.
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I pose this question because I wonder if black gay men have allowed heteronormative expectations to standardize how we define ourselves. By various means America deemed gay and queer identity as partly synonymous with femininity. Have some black gay men unknowingly allowed that standard to seep into their thinking? For example:
Therefore, I ask Do Some Black Gay Men See Themselves Through a Feminine-based Lens? To help us navigate this sensitive and complex topic, I am joined by (intro the guests)
I opened a careful and direct conversation about whether some Black gay men view themselves through a feminine lens. I asked Gerald Garth and Dr. Leon Maultsby to help untangle perception, history, and lived experience. We traced how media images, popular gay lexicon, and the prominence of female gay icons like Diana Ross and Beyoncé shape a cultural script that can suggest femininity as a default model for queerness. Gerald affirmed that some men present as feminine and that social prescriptions and stereotypes often guide that presentation. Leon reflected on childhood patterns of acceptance and emulation, noting that early proximity to women can normalize feminine behaviors as a method of belonging. We explored how those patterns operate in both private identity formation and public community building. I questioned whether commonly used gay language, borrowed in part from Black women, reinforces a gendered frame. Both guests illuminated the evolution from coded speech used for concealment to open subcultural language that signals safety and kinship. We emphasized that expression can be authentic, strategic, or both, and that the community’s use of feminine-coded signs can serve as preservation, protest, and identity work rather than a simple acceptance of imposed roles.
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I pose this question because President Donald Trump’s second term has been a
manic cycle of corruption, greed, and cruelty. So much so, that many Americans
have been shocked into thinking that this is unlike any presidency in US history.
But I am reminded of the wisdom of James Baldwin in Notes of a Native Son. Mr
Baldwin said that “the past is all that makes the present coherent”, and America’s
past makes clear that President Trump’s anti-black racism and nativism –
animosity aimed at perceptions of alien contamination by minority and immigrant
groups – are well known to American history. Said differently, Donald Trump’s ilk
of white man is not new to the presidency. So please take a brief walk with me as
America’s past makes our present coherent.
To understand why Trump’s hate is on-brand for the presidency we will briefly look
at race through the eyes of Presidential giants George Washington, Thomas
Jefferson, John Adams, Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, and Ronald
Reagan. Then, we’ll see racism in public policy by looking at the immigration
policies of, again, President’s Jefferson and Lincoln and Herbert Hoover and
Dwight Eisenhower.
I map how racism moves from idea into law and force. I begin with the founders who separated emancipation from full equality and who even planned deportation rather than shared citizenship. I trace public actions that made racism operational: Jefferson and Lincoln both considered expatriation of freed people; Herbert Hoover used deportation and fear to push Mexicans out during the Depression; Dwight Eisenhower launched Operation Wetback with military methods and mass removals. I link those past policies to modern practices of mass deportation and to President Trump’s own call for a "bloody story" and the use of ICE and armed operations in public spaces. I argue that state power has long been a tool for racial control in this country. The lesson I press is sober: when prejudice gains legal backing, it becomes violence. We must read that history to see why what looks new is in fact a familiar pattern.
Takeaways:
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I pose this question because in 2021, the city of Santa Clarita – the 3rd largest city in LA County and its last traditional republican stronghold – was sued for violating the CA Voting Rights Act. The CVRA lawsuit alleged that due to electing its City Council on an at-large basis, Santa Clarita“dilutes the votes of Latino citizens, suppresses the ability of their communities to recruit and support candidates for public office, and prevents them from aggregating their votes to elect those candidates in single-member districts.” The result is, the lawsuit continued, that “large geographic areas with minority communities are chronically underrepresented.” In 2022, Santa Clarita agreed to settle the Voting Rights Act lawsuit. It agreed to transition from at-large to district-based City Council elections with one district being a majority-minority district where the majority of the eligible voters in that district are 45% Latino with another 15% being African-American and Asian-American.
The question becomes why did it take the threat of litigation to persuade Santa Clarita’s leadership to become serious inclusion? Did Santa Clarita want inclusive city leadership? My guest today was one of the plaintiffs in the CVRA lawsuit.
I asked Michael Cruz to recount the sequence that compelled him to become a plaintiff in the California Voting Rights Act action. I listened as he described a clear pattern of notice and omission. We learned that formal letters requesting a move to district elections were ignored more than once. I heard him explain that litigation became the only viable path after repeated inaction, and that the city did not file a responsive pleading. I reflected with him on how the final settlement transformed Santa Clarita from at‑large voting to district elections, and how that legal pressure — rather than voluntary reform — produced the change. We also examined the fiscal and civic consequences. I noted Michael’s view that the city incurred substantially higher legal costs by resisting change. He told us that litigation accelerated a settlement within months, but at a price to taxpayers and to relationships within local government. I asked him to evaluate the fairness and efficacy of the outcome, and he emphasized that the district model will improve accountability and access to elected officials for communities that had been overlooked.
Takeaways:
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Today, I welcome Valerie Bradford to Thought and Opinion. She is the founding President of the Santa Clarita chapter of the NAACP and a candidate for Santa Clarita City Council. Her candidacy is historic. She is only the 2nd black women to run for City Council in Santa Clarita’s 38 yr history as a city. If she wins, she would be only the 3nd newly elected woman to the Council since 2008, and the first black City Council member in Santa Clarita’s history.
I welcomed Valerie Bradford to Thought and Opinion and I guided a rigorous conversation about civic stewardship, representation, and the practical exigencies of municipal governance. I asked pointed questions about why she chose to run for the Santa Clarita City Council given the city’s reputation for public safety, balanced budgets, and economic vitality, and she articulated a measured but incisive critique: the city’s institutional reflex to preserve historical modalities of power has left a significant portion of the populace insufficiently seen and insufficiently heard. I foregrounded the structural transition from at-large to district-based voting and probed the implications of that reform, and she offered a lucid explication of district four’s demographics, the imperative for outreach to communities of color, and the need for forward-looking leadership that anticipates infrastructural and socioeconomic shifts rather than merely perpetuating legacy practices. I pursued the interview with inquiries about campaign strategy and intergovernmental collaboration. Valerie delineated a pragmatic approach predicated on issue-focused discourse, community listening, and informational transparency, exemplified by her regular communications regarding local development projects. I examined the potential salience of race and gender in the contest, and she candidly acknowledged that identity would be a factor while insisting that those attributes constitute sources of strength. The dialogue closed with reflections on accountability, accessibility of government, and the ethical influences she would carry into office — unity, faith, servant leadership — all of which I recorded as central takeaways for listeners seeking a substantive appraisal of a consequential local campaign.
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Part 2 of Black, Gay and Modern
I pose this topic because the identity markers of black and gay have always been exploited as barriers to equality and self-determination in America. Yet despite racism, classism, and homophobia black gay men are openly flourishing in ways not seen even 20 years ago. What has caused this triumph? Let's hear thriving gay black men talk about how they define themselves, navigate intersectional trauma, and what their triumph is made of.
I pose this topic because the identity markers of black and gay have always been exploited as barriers to equality and self-determination in America. Yet despite racism, classism, and homophobia black gay men are openly flourishing in ways not seen even 20 years ago. What has caused this triumph? Let's hear thriving gay black men talk about how they define themselves, navigate intersectional trauma, and what their triumph is made of.
Israel and Genocide With Dr. Dirk Moses
I present this topic because Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza is one of the sweeping atrocities of our time and necessitates our attention. The human toll bogles the mind. As of early September 2025, estimates are that 38 percent of Gaza’s pre-Oct 7th population has been displaced. Of the more than 67,000 killed, children account for 30 percent of the dead. Within that estimated 67,000 dead is also more than 1,200 whole families who have been wiped off the face of the Earth. Gaza itself, roughly twice the size of Washington D.C. at 149 sq miles, has been largely reduced to ruble. Eight out of every 10 buildings that stood in pre-Oct 7th Gaza have either been damaged or destroyed. This is genocide.
Supporting Donald Trump?”
I pose this question because despite being convicted of falsifying business records to increase his chances of winning the 2016 Presidential race; and, being found liable of sexual assault and engaging in “massive fraud to falsely inflate his net worth and unjustly enrich himself” by overstating property values to get better interest rates from banks and lower premiums from insurers American evangelical Protestants continue to be among Donald Trump’s most devoted supporters. Notwithstanding Donald Trump’s life being an unrepentant pattern of lying, adultery and fornication, reviling, extortion, hate, pride, and the like the evangelical church continues to crown him as god’s anointed vessel come to restore godliness to America. By that devotion the evangelical church has forfeited any claim to a divine calling and has shown its works to be that of a menstrual cloth.
One would think that because of Trump’s unrepentant sinfulness and boasting about sin; such as, grabbing women by the pussy and hating his enemies, that many in the American evangelical church would have mounted a clear biblical basis for their dedication to Donald Trump. But, as we shall see, no such case has been made. By briefly examining the arguments of the late Dr. John MacArthur, Dr Albert Mohler, Dr. Wayne Grudem, and pastor Douglas Wilson we shall see that from scholars, to theologians, to pastors no argument seems to exist. That is to say, that those who wear the name evangelical, and are purported to have the saving message of Christ Jesus as the core of their only message to – as they would say – a lost world have made no scriptural case for evangelical support of Donald Trump. Meaning, their support of Trump is not founded on biblical truth.
Thought and Opinion is your platform for a clearer understanding of where we find ourselves in their America and how we define ourselves within it. We will go beyond the accepted discourse. To the ideas, and consequences, that we sometimes hesitate to engage. Join andre and various guests on Sundays at noon PDT as we reframe our politics and Identity in their America.
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