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The contract that paid for lawyers for immigrant children in federal custody expired on a date the government had known for a year, and the replacements were handed out under an urgency that the agency's own inspector general had already ruled does not count.

Every argument about the roadless acres now in play rests on a premise so familiar that nobody states it: that the land belongs to the public, and the only question is what the public should do with it.

A report HHS published but did not write says hospitals and pharmacies used misleading diagnosis codes for gender care, and the report itself says its numbers are only directional signals.

A final rule effective August 14 permanently exempts every U.S.-formed company from saying who owns it, and orders the roughly 15 million ownership records already filed erased in a single unaudited sweep.

A former Civil Rights Division attorney alleges the government pushed predetermined Title VI findings against Harvard, Columbia and Brown, and the documented record of frozen funding, no-fault settlements and one dismissed lawsuit shows money moving long before the law's finding process ever ran.

An Alzheimer's program with $41 million and nobody in it, a $246 million smoking office whose staff sit on paid leave, and a 1974 law written to stop presidents from refusing to spend money that may not reach a decision to dismantle the capacity to spend it.

ABC and Disney asked a federal court to stop the FCC before it can order a hearing on their eight station licenses, and a Freedom of Information Act release the next day catalogued the chairman's White House meetings, though what that record undercuts is not his honesty but his agency's claim to be independent.

Today's stories and the historical context you need to understand them, in one audio briefing from AskWhy.News.

Minnesota wrote a law that makes the operator of an image tool liable the moment a user creates a synthetic nude, with no requirement that anything be published, and xAI is arguing that this is the one thing the Supreme Court has said a state may not do.

A federal judge in Mississippi has refused to authorize cell tower dumps, holding that sweeping up the phone records of everyone near a crime scene is the kind of general search the Fourth Amendment was written to forbid, though the ruling binds one district and no appeals court has agreed.