Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Starting something new is tough, but stepping into a world that's already been created - one that you once led - and trying to take it even higher is an entirely different challenge. Actor Ji Chang-wook embraced that challenge with a clear goal and a desire to top his previous work in Disney+'s recently ended series "The Manipulated."

"A few years ago, I heard rumors that 'Fabricated City' [2017] might be turned into a series using the original IP," said Ji during a roundtable interview with reporters at a cafe in central Seoul on Thursday.

"And just around the time I was thinking that a series version would actually suit today's landscape much better, I was thankfully offered the role. Once I read the script, I found it so fun that I immediately knew I wanted to do it."

The series shares a similar universe and narrative with the film "Fabricated City," in which Ji played the lead, Kwon Yoo, an unemployed gamer who gets framed for murder. The film was penned by Oh Sang-ho, who is also the writer of the series.

"To be honest, I really wanted to deliver an even better performance this time, and it was also a role I simply couldn't pass up," he said.

"Even though it's not the same project, it shares a similar universe with something I worked on about 10 years ago. I was both curious and a little pressured about how different I might look in the new project."

Released on Nov. 5, the action thriller stars Ji, who plays Park Tae-joong, an ordinary food deliveryman whose life turns upside down after being framed for rape and murder. He plans to take revenge after discovering that it was orchestrated by sculptor Yo-han, portrayed by Doh Kyung-soo.

One of Ji's main focuses was "convincingly showing Tae-joong hitting rock bottom" and how deeply he could draw viewers into his emotions, saying it was his "first and biggest assignment" for the show.

While imprisoned, Tae-joong trains himself, growing both mentally and physically. He becomes a character of unmatched strength and unparalleled fighting skill, despite previously being an ordinary deliveryman and aspiring plant shop owner, which is a familiar character arc seen in a classic good-versus-evil narrative.

Ji said that this was also another task he had to tackle with courage. "In a way, I knew the story was inevitable to slip into cliché."

He added, "It's like serving a flavor people already know, and the real challenge was figuring out how to make that familiar taste feel fresh and more delicious for the viewers."

The role was also physically demanding, as Tae-joong is constantly bullied, attacked, punched and stabbed while trying to survive. Ji explained that the prison scenes were especially grueling, with one scene in the infirmary taking five days to shoot. It seems that this made him want to step back from action and also reconsider participating in a second season of the show if it were to be made.

"If I were offered a second season, I'd be really grateful," he said. "It would mean the series did well, that people are looking forward to it and that it was entertaining. But at the same time, I think I'd have to really think it over because it would be too exhausting."

"To be honest, I don't want to do action for a while," he said.

The series is Ji's third Disney+ original, following "The Worst of Evil" (2023) and "Gangnam B-Side" (2024), releasing a project on the platform annually for the past three years. Due to his frequent appearances on the platform, some refer to Ji as the "son of Disney+." Following his title, the actor is already set to release another Korea-Japan collaboration project on Disney+ next year, with "Merry Berry Love."

While expressing gratitude for the global company repeatedly calling him, he shared his experience shooting with a Japanese team, including Japanese actor Mio Imada.

"I was actually really curious about a collaboration with Japan, and I'd probably been preparing for the past...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Doh Kyung-soo's first time as a villain in Disney+'s recently ended action thriller series "The Manipulated" has been a liberating experience, the singer-actor said, as he ventured into new depths of human brutality and ruthlessness.

The EXO member portrays Yo-han, a psychopathic sculptor who ruins innocent people's lives in exchange for money - a striking departure from Doh's long-held image as a gentle and upright sweetheart. Through this role, the 32-year-old said he tapped into emotions he had never accessed or expressed before.

"I really never had the opportunity to push [myself] to the limit during my acting career, but playing Yo-han really took me to an emotional level I'd never experienced before," he said during a roundtable interview at a cafe in central Seoul on Thursday.

"[Playing Yo-han] actually helped me blow off some steam. It was fun."

Doh debuted as a member of the K-pop boy band EXO in 2012 and began acting in 2014, starring in films such as "My Annoying Brother" (2016), "Along with the Gods: The Two Worlds" (2017) and "The Moon" (2023).

Doh noted that being offered his first villain role was a personal delight. "When the offer first came in, I was honestly pretty excited. It sounded fun and it was something I'd always wanted to try," he said, adding he "didn't really feel worried or pressured." Instead, the first thought that came to mind was that portraying Yo-han would be fun.

The 12-episode show follows Park Tae-joong, played by Ji Chang-wook, whose ordinary life is turned upside down after being framed for a crime. He later finds out that the scheme was orchestrated by Yo-han and vows to take revenge.

Viewers have praised Doh's performance, and many agree that one of the most striking elements of Yo-han's on-screen presence was his expressive eyes, a feature the actor is well known for. Fans joked that his intense gaze looked as if he really had "snapped."

"My eyes aren't exactly small to begin with, so when I express certain emotions, they tend to grow even bigger. I think people pick up on those [physical] changes," said Doh before clarifying with a laugh that he didn't actually "go crazy."

To get into character - especially a merciless, guiltless villain like Yo-han, who uses and kills people without hesitation - Doh changed his style, avoiding conventional or plain outfits and accessories. He went as far as damaging his hair by bleaching, perming and re-dying it black, which was a four-hour process.

Doh even put careful thought into Yo-han's action scenes, including deeply considering which type of weapon he should use.

"When it came to the action scenes, I remember thinking a lot about how to make them look even more brutal," he said, adding that during the ending action sequence with Ji, he intentionally selected a longsword over a dagger.

"Yo-han could've just used his fists. That would've worked, but I wanted [the fight] to feel more brutal. So, I spent a lot of time considering what kinds of tools or weapons he'd use - things that could take someone out in an instant and make the violence feel more ruthless."

On the topic of Yo-han's cruelty, Doh revealed that some of his scenes were cut from the show for being, in his opinion, too vicious.

One such scene involved Yo-han ordering his assistant to chop off a man's finger.

"[I shot a scene] in which I get out of my car, pick up the finger and thank the victim," Doh said. Though he was fine with his other scenes being cut, he felt disappointed that particular moment didn't make it to the final version.

"I felt like [that scene], during which he shows that type of [sadistic] gratitude, could have shown more of Yo-han's personality."

The series ends on an open note. Yo-han's death occurs off-screen, and one of the last scenes shows a mysterious figure sitting in Yo-han's special "sculpting" room, where he planned his crimes throughout the show, making viewers question whether he ma...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

A cafe in Seoul's bustling Gangnam area was offering several specialty hand-drip coffees, with names like White Christmas, Las Moras Sidra and Floral Pink. Right along with them was a special decaf.

Yes, decaf. Once treated largely as a disappointingly-flavored substitute for regular coffee, it is now gaining a place among the limited hand-drip lineup at cafes - a space usually reserved for carefully-sourced, flavor-driven beans. That's because many decaf coffees are now selected and brewed with the same care and attention as any specialty bean.

"Hand-drip decaf orders come in just as often as our other hand-drip specialties," a barista said, while finishing the final drip for a decaf brew full of bright acidity.

Decaf is moving into the mainstream in Korea's highly-competitive coffee market. Starbucks Korea reported last month that sales of decaffeinated beverages through October this year reached 36.5 million orders, up 35 percent from the same period last year. One in every eight Americanos sold there was decaf. Even low-cost cafe chain Mega MGC Coffee said it poured 7.5 million cups of decaf during the first half of this year, a roughly 70-percent jump from a year earlier.

And the shift is easy to spot. What was once a quiet request at the counter is now easy to find in cafes of all kinds - with more options for beans with distinctive flavor profiles available, as well as inventive products emerging in step with the broader wellness culture.

Decaf takes the stage

At this year's Seoul International Cafe Show, where 3,903 brands from 631 companies across 35 countries participated, decaf quietly claimed the spotlight.

"Decaffeinated blend is the second most popular blend from our store," said Chae Soo-min, a staffer at Hitch Coffee booth, as he handed out samples of its Colombia and Brazilian decaf blends during the exhibition.

Many cafe owners - and aspiring ones - attended the event in search of distinctive decaf beans to serve in their cafes, a shift from the days when decaf meant just one or two generic options.

"The supply of specialty decaf is limited," said a staffer at one booth selling decaf beans. "Specialty coffee beans with their own distinctive profiles are decaffeinated in small batches. Even after the process, those subtle original flavors still remain."

"For a regular coffee shop to sell decaffeinated coffee, it needs a grinder just for decaf, because you cannot put decaf beans in, take them all out and then put caffeinated beans back in," said Cho. "But buying a grinder that costs one or two million won is burdensome. So I came up with packet-style decaf that shops can use without a grinder."

Cho has also been selling regular decaf beans for three years, and demand, Cho said, has been ballooning. "Our import volume has grown eightfold from three years ago," Cho said. Mega Coffee is among its largest buyers. "Many companies are currently reaching out to us."

Coffee beans typically undergo either the Swiss Water Process or the Sugarcane Process to become decaffeinated, but rising demand for decaf has led to the emergence of some creative approaches, such as lowering caffeine levels in the beans through a germination process.

There is even a roastery dedicated exclusively to decaf beans. "Depending on the coffee bean variety, the origin and how it is roasted, the nuances can vary greatly," said Im Do-gil, CEO of the decaf-only roastery Deca Coffee Lab. He added market base has expanded over the years from cafes to obstetrics and gynecology clinics, as well as aesthetic facilities.

New techniques are appearing, too. Some producers add aromatic ingredients - spices like cinnamon or cardamom, or vanilla extract - during roasting to create more flavored coffee, called flavored or infused decaf. "For people who enjoy flavored coffee, that's good," Im said. "But for coffee enthusiasts, it tends not to be preferred because it masks the original qual...

Cho Won-kyeong

The author is a professor at UNIST and the head of the Global Industry-University Cooperation Center.

The U.S. Federal Reserve cut its benchmark rate by 0.25 percentage points on Wednesday. Markets focused on the Fed's dot plot, which signaled that only one additional cut is likely next year. Given inflation trends, a larger cut, as preferred by U.S. President Donald Trump, appears unlikely.

The Korea-U.S. interest rate gap has narrowed to 1.25 percentage points. Whether that gap will meaningfully shrink next year, or whether the long-running rate inversion will end, remains uncertain.

The Bank of Korea faces limited room to deliver an immediate rate cut. Global investment banks have raised their inflation forecasts for Korea, and the central bank has also revised its outlook upward. As long as the impact of the weak won continues to pass through from import prices to processed foods and dining costs, a premature rate cut could undermine policy credibility. A prolonged rate freeze therefore remains the more likely path.

A gradual narrowing of the interest rate gap, together with a recovery in the semiconductor cycle, could support exchange rate stability. But the combination of a strong dollar, high housing prices in Seoul and persistent inflation makes it difficult for the Bank of Korea to shift toward an easing stance.

Market rates are rising instead. The Bank of Korea moved to purchase government bonds this week for the first time in three years and three months, yet market reaction was muted. Korean government bond yields have reached their highest levels of the year amid a global surge in interest rates. Inflation concerns and heavy bond issuance have been major drivers.

Attention now turns to what may follow after the current Fed chair's term ends in May. Kevin Hassett, chair of the White House National Economic Council and a potential candidate to lead the Fed, has previously said rates could be cut sharply to support employment and debt management, even if inflation runs somewhat high. Markets are watching the possibility closely.

Given these uncertainties, the long period of Korea-U.S. rate inversion is unlikely to end soon. Interest rates will remain the most powerful force shaping Korea's economy and asset markets. The question is not how precisely one can predict rate movements, but how resilient the economy can remain amid constant change.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Michael Green

The author is the CEO of the U.S. Studies Centre at the University of Sydney and the Henry A. Kissinger Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Last weekend, the Trump White House released the first National Security Strategy (NSS) of the United States for its second term. Based on the NSS, the Pentagon is expected to soon release its own National Defense Strategy (NDS). Both documents will be scrutinized by friends and foes of America.

The National Security Strategy of the first Trump administration was surprisingly prescient and enduring. Drafted under the leadership of then-National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster and penned by foreign policy expert Nadia Shadlow, the 2018 strategy had flavors of Trump's "America First" unilateralism but was noteworthy for declaring that the intergenerational challenge for the United States would be strategic competition with China and Russia. No previous White House National Security Strategy since the end of the Cold War had been so blunt. And the Biden administration accepted that premise of strategic competition as its own starting point.

Does the 2025 NSS set a similarly enduring framework? The short answer is no. Like the second Trump administration's policy process itself, the new NSS is full of contradictions and has ideological and transactional qualities that will not survive contact with reality.

As many anticipated, the main emphasis of the NSS is Trump's promise to dominate Latin America in a corollary to the 1824 Monroe Doctrine. To be fair, George W. Bush also put an emphasis on the Western Hemisphere before the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks shifted his focus, and protecting the Homeland is usually at the core of any national security strategy. But this NSS reads more like an effort to justify the administration's hyper-militarization of immigration and drug control policies than a plan to protect the region from external hegemonic actors. Current policies are alienating key partners and opening opportunities for Russia and China - the exact opposite of the supposed Trump Monroe Doctrine.

The NSS section on Europe is equally political and divorced from the reality of geopolitics. The populist right wing of the Republican Party has long been skeptical of Europe, advancing isolationist views before American entry into the Second World War and then opposing the establishment of NATO after the war. In earlier periods, the right loathed Europe for its monarchical class snobbery, and now it loathes Europe because of social progressivism and open borders. Populist movements in the American heartland have also often feared that East Coast elites might conspire with Europeans to entrap them in wars to save Britain in 1940 or Ukraine today.

Congressional and public support for NATO is still robust, but anti-Europe ideologues now control key parts of the U.S. government, including the vice presidency, and their views are reflected in the NSS. Particularly shocking is the NSS promise to work with opposition groups within countries like Germany to prevent "civilizational erasure" - a concept that will warm the hearts of Hungary's Viktor Orban or Vladimir Putin, particularly since Russia is never mentioned as a threat to peace and democracy. Yet the NSS does not call for a U.S. withdrawal from NATO and still emphasizes U.S. support for freedom and security in Europe. This NSS will shake but not break the trans-Atlantic alliance.

The section on Asia may be the most normal part of the NSS. The tone on China is muted compared to the earlier Trump and Biden strategies - reportedly because Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent toned down the language in pursuit of a trade deal with China ahead of Trump's April summit with Xi Jinping. That softer tone reflects how transactional and nonstrategic the NSS is this time. Still, there are multiple references to the dangers of war in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea, and the document emphasizes that the administrati...

Oh Se-jung

The author is a professor emeritus of physics and astronomy and a former president of Seoul National University.

The phrase "science and technology-oriented society" first entered Korea's policy vocabulary in 2003 with the launch of the Roh Moo-hyun administration. At the time, the government presented the goal as one of its core national agenda items. It announced plans to pursue a "second rise of science and technology," to reform the national science and technology system and to expand scientific culture to build a society grounded in principles and trust.

The administration elevated the science and technology minister to deputy prime minister and created a special advisory post on information science and technology in the Blue House. It also revised the national research and development budget process so that experts would make key decisions. These steps strengthened the voice of scientists and engineers within government and opened more pathways for people with STEM backgrounds to enter public service.

But science and technology did not become the true center of society. Instead, they remained tools for economic development. The concept of a "science and technology-oriented society" ended up as an overstated slogan rather than a transformative goal.

Twenty years later, the Lee Jae Myung administration has adopted a similar vision, setting the goal of becoming one of the world's top three AI powers. It has elevated the minister of science and ICT to deputy prime minister and created a senior presidential secretary for AI future planning. Only the terminology has changed - from "science and technology" to "AI" - while the policy direction mirrors that of the Roh administration.

The question is whether AI will again be treated merely as an instrument of economic development. Many political leaders and senior officials still view it that way. But AI differs fundamentally from past technologies. Earlier advances enhanced human physical abilities. AI supplements or replaces cognitive function, touching what can be considered the essence of humanity. It has the potential to reshape society from the ground up.

It has been only three years since ChatGPT entered the public sphere, yet many parts of society have already shifted. Schools are debating whether to allow its use. Job markets for lawyers, accountants and tech workers are being reshaped as AI encroaches on entry-level professional roles. Warfare is changing, as seen in Ukraine. And geopolitical rivalry, as shown in U.S.-China tensions, has become a contest over technological supremacy. AI, science and technology now sit at the center of social and national power.

How should Korea respond? It may be time to revive Roh Moo-hyun's vision of a science and technology-oriented society. This does not mean a society ruled by scientists or engineers. Instead, it means a society in which rationality and practical problem-solving - the hallmarks of science - are respected across all sectors.

Science rejects dogma and prejudice and prizes reason and solutions. Galileo Galilei defied the Church by advancing a heliocentric model because it better explained celestial motion. Albert Einstein overturned the universal belief that time flows identically for all people because it could not account for the behavior of light and fast-moving objects. In science, even widely accepted truths can be discarded if they hinder better explanations.

Yet Korea still sees policies distorted by rigid ideology rather than practicality. One example is the political hostility toward nuclear power, which many environmental scholars now view as indispensable. Such opposition hampers planning for the energy supply that an AI-driven society requires. Another example is the rigid 52-hour workweek rule, which prevents certain professions from voluntarily adjusting work hours when needed.

The world is watching China's rapid development with concern. Its progress has benefited from compressing Wester...

A revision to the Information and Communications Network Act, labeled the fake information eradication bill, passed the National Assembly's Science, ICT, Broadcasting and Communications Committee on Wednesday under the unilateral drive of the Democratic Party. The bill would impose punitive damages of up to five times the harm when media outlets or online creators intentionally distribute illegal or fabricated information. While the goal of strengthening remedies for victims deserves attention, the proposal poses a serious threat to press freedom and warrants reconsideration.

The most troubling omission is the refusal to exclude politicians, senior officials and large corporations from the right to seek punitive damages. Media organizations and civic groups have repeatedly warned that, under the bill, actors with overwhelming resources could file massive lawsuits against journalists and YouTubers to stifle criticism. Such a framework risks turning the bill into a shield for those in power rather than a tool for protecting the public. Fears of a surge in strategic lawsuits against public participation, or SLAPP suits, are well-founded.

The bill also creates a structure that effectively presumes "malice" in inaccurate reporting. The DP removed earlier language about reversing the burden of proof, yet inserted multiple criteria that allow malice to be inferred and reflected in calculating damages. If media organizations cannot sufficiently demonstrate public-interest intent or good faith, they could be held liable. The burden of proving the absence of malice falls on the press and the public. In the United States, by contrast, public figures suing the media must prove "actual malice," and many states have anti-SLAPP laws to prevent intimidation suits.

The issue of double regulation of traditional media is also significant. Under the Act on Press Arbitration and Damage Remedies, news outlets are already subject to requirements for corrections, rebuttal reports and civil liability. The new bill would add punitive damages under the network law. YouTube channels that are not registered as news organizations, however, would face only the latter. The result is a paradox in which professional, regulated media face heavier penalties than unregistered platforms. The bill's broad definition of "malicious fabricated information" and its expansion of administrative review powers threaten the core of press freedom.

Freedom of expression is among the most essential liberties in a democracy. It is difficult to understand why a ruling party that claims to champion democratic values would push ahead with legislation that restricts this freedom without meaningful public consultation or deliberation. Laws should not shield political power but protect the rights of the press and the people who hold that power in check. The ruling party should reconsider this bill in its entirety before it reaches the floor.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

The notes of a bandoneón and the hush of an expectant crowd filled the Art Hall of the Yongsan District Office in central Seoul on Thursday afternoon as diplomats, local officials and dancers gathered to showcase tango, which was born on the shores of the Río de la Plata in South America but has found a home in Korea.

The performances, held for the International Day of Tango, showed how passion can become a diplomatic language and highlighted the vibrant tango community in Seoul, thousands of miles from Buenos Aires and Montevideo.

The ceremony opened with a joint speech by the ambassadors of Argentina and Uruguay, the two nations that cradle tango's origins.

The two ambassadors - engaging in a friendly, almost conversational duet - evoked the intertwined histories of their nations and the music that binds them. Tango, they reminded the audience, was not merely entertainment but a product of migration, hybrid identity and shared struggle.

"Buenos Aires and Montevideo were the birthplace of tango," Uruguayan Ambassador Pablo Scheiner said. "We always say that tango is a creation of two shores, a child of the Río de la Plata, a cultural and historical bridge that unites our countries."

Argentine Ambassador Dario Cesar Celaya Alvarez added that tango, like jazz, traveled the world to become universal. Its power to fuse song, dance and emotional narrative, he said, explains why it has become "part of the human repertoire."

In 2009, Unesco recognized tango as part of the world's Intangible Cultural Heritage. Scheiner reflected on that designation as a validation of a form born among working-class communities - immigrants from Europe, enslaved Africans, gaucho ranchers from the interior and urban creoles - all shaping a new musical language. Tango, he said, is "a testament to cultural continuity, empirical transmission and living identity."

Scheiner noted that the Carlos Gardel International Tango Festival is currently taking place in Tacuarembó, Uruguay - an annual reminder that tango remains "alive, dynamic and inspiring new generations."

With characteristic Río de la Plata humor, the ambassadors revived the longstanding, good-natured rivalry over tango's most iconic figure, the musician Carlos Gardel, whom both countries claim as their own.

"Carlos Gardel is Uruguayan," Scheiner joked, "although we gladly share him with our Argentine brothers and sisters." Alvarez responded by invoking Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges, who wrote that "tango is the human comedy of Buenos Aires," underscoring how deeply the genre is woven into Argentine life.

The ambassadors also praised Korea's fast-growing tango community - its dancers, milongas, academies and enthusiasts - whose devotion has made Seoul an unlikely but vibrant center for the art form.

Yongsan District, they announced, will host two major events next year: the Pacific Tango Championship in June 2026 and the Korea Tango Championship in February 2026. Both will take place at the Art Hall of the Yongsan District Office, which Alvarez declared "the Tango District of Seoul and Korea."

Park Kyeong-su, chief of Yongsan's administrative support division, celebrated the district's role in promoting international cultural exchange. "I hope today's event helps more citizens experience and fall in love with the beauty and passion of tango," he said, calling it an honor for Yongsan to serve as a regional reference point for the art.

The ceremony culminated in a sequence of performances that traced the emotional range of tango, from sharp, syncopated footwork to intimate pauses that carried as much weight as the music.

The program began with Team Elena, a sextet whose high-intensity ensemble work to "Loca" (1955) ignited the hall with their swift pivots and tightly synchronized motion. They were followed by the rising duo Risoo and Yeji - fresh from major wins at the 2025 Korea Tango Championship - who offered a polished, e...

This article is by Lim Jeong-won and read by an artificial voice.

SPC Group will invest 300 billion won ($203 million) to build a large-scale bakery plant in Eumseong County, North Chungcheong, with a focus on safety following a series of fatal workplace accidents.

The new facility will incorporate AI, robotics and internet of things technologies as part of SPC's broader safety-first management reforms.

The project follows recommendations made by the company's internal task force, launched in July this year to strengthen industrial safety following a series of high-profile workplace incidents. The new plan was approved by the group's executive committee, SPC Group said.

A signing ceremony for a memorandum of understanding for the investment was held at the North Chungcheong Provincial Office, with Gov. Kim Young-hwan, Eumseong County Mayor Cho Byeong-ok, Democratic Party Rep. Lim Ho-seon and SPC executives including Vice Chairman Hur Jin-soo in attendance.

SPC has secured a 182,866-square-meter (45-acre) site in Eumseong's Human Smart Valley, where it will build an integrated production center for bread, confectionery and other food items.

The site accounts for roughly 20 percent of the industrial complex, making SPC its largest tenant. Upon completion, it will be 2.5 times larger than the group's current flagship SPL plant and is expected to create more than 1,000 jobs while stimulating the regional economy. Construction is slated to start in 2026, with completion targeted in 2028.

Eumseong was selected for its proximity to the Seoul metropolitan area, central geographic location and strong compatibility with SPC's existing logistics network. Local government support policies were also cited as a key factor.

SPC plans to outfit the facility with advanced monitoring and automation technologies to minimize workplace hazards and distribute production loads currently concentrated in older factories.

The company aims for the site to be recognized as a "lighthouse factory," a designation given by the World Economic Forum and consulting firm McKinsey to plants considered global benchmarks in smart manufacturing.

Vice Chairman Hur described the new plant as "a key turning point" in strengthening trust among employees, customers, and stakeholders.

"We will build a facility with the highest safety standards and work closely with local communities as we grow," he said.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

SK On, a Korean battery maker, and Ford Motor have decided to dissolve their $11 billion joint battery venture across three U.S. factories, opting to split the facilities between the two parties.

The move comes amid a slowdown in the electric vehicle market, as Ford simultaneously overhauls its EV strategy.

Under the mutual agreement announced Thursday, Ford will assume full ownership of two plants in Kentucky, while SK On will take full control of the facility in Tennessee. The deal is expected to close by the first quarter of 2026, pending regulatory approvals, with workforce considerations to be addressed during the transition.

The two companies in 2022 formed a venture, BlueOval SK, and announced $11.4 billion for the three plants. Once operational, the plants will together have 120 gigawatt-hours of annual capacity, enough to make 1.2 million EVs per year.

A plant in Kentucky is under operation, while the start of production in Tennessee and the No. 2 plant in Kentucky have been delayed due to sluggish demand.

Amid a slowdown in global EV sales, Ford has shifted its strategy toward internal combustion engine models and the rollout of affordable electric pickups and EVs powered by lithium iron phosphate (LFP) batteries. It has also been reported that Ford is discussing potentially discontinuing the F-150 Lightning trucks.

Currently, SK On only produces the more expensive nickel-cobalt-manganese (NCM) cells and has yet to fully develop its LFP batteries for EVs.

"For the previously contracted volumes of Ford's EVs, production will continue at the Tennessee facility," a spokesperson for SK On said.

"This agreement represents a strategic realignment of assets and production scale to enhance operational efficiency. At the 45 gigawatt-hour Tennessee plant, SK On plans to supply batteries for Ford and various other customers' EVs as well as energy storage systems, focusing on profitability and strengthening our foothold in the North American market."

SK On supplies batteries to Hyundai Motor, Kia and Volkswagen, Nissan and U.S. EV startup Slate. The battery maker is also building a $5 billion battery plant with Hyundai Motor Group in Bartow County, Georgia.