Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Kim Su-min and read by an artificial voice.

President Lee Jae Myung on Wednesday said the government has "prepared substantial practical measures that do not undermine the separation of industrial and financial capital," indicating that regulations hindering investment in advanced industries may soon be eased.

The comment marks growing momentum for deregulation in response to intensifying global competition in sectors like AI and semiconductors. Business leaders argue that such moves are essential to national competitiveness.

AI fuels push for deregulation

One key proposal under discussion is reducing the required ownership stake for second-tier subsidiaries - so-called "grandchild companies" - from 100 percent to 50 percent under Korea's Fair Trade Act.

Under Article 18 of the act, a subsidiary of a holding company must fully fund any acquisition or creation of a new subsidiary on its own. This has effectively restricted growth for second-tier subsidiaries of major firms such as SK hynix, LG Energy Solution and GS Caltex.

In contrast, global industry norms rely heavily on joint ventures that attract outside capital and distribute risk. A prime example is the Stargate Project in the United States - a next-generation AI infrastructure initiative backed by OpenAI, Oracle and Japan's SoftBank, which together pledged a staggering $500 billion.

The essence of megaprojects like this, business leaders say, is shared equity - yet Korean law remains an outlier in tightly restricting how second-tier subsidiaries operate.

SK hynix has been most affected. SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won previously said investment in the company's new fab in Yongin alone would reach 600 trillion won ($408 billion) all of which would need to be self-funded under current rules.

Chey has called on the government to "create a new system to support the scale of investment required in the AI era."

In a report submitted to the Fair Trade Commission (FTC) last month, the Federation of Korean Industries (FKI) noted, "Korea is virtually the only country that restricts the ownership stake of subsidiaries under holding companies."

The FKI also said such constraints are a "structural barrier to mergers and acquisitions in the age of the Fourth Industrial Revolution."

President Lee acknowledged the concerns on Thursday, saying, "Chey's point about investment capital made sense," and added, "We're already preparing for this at the institutional level."

He also argued that "in high-tech sectors requiring massive investment, the kind of monopoly concerns envisioned by separation-of-capital rules are no longer relevant" and that maintaining these restrictions could "instead hinder industrial development."

Under eased regulations, companies like SK hynix may be allowed to form special purpose companies jointly funded with external capital to build fabs - and use the facilities through long-term contracts or lease arrangements - without violating the law.

Favoring one company or bolstering the industry?

The deregulation debate has drawn criticism that it amounts to a "one-point benefit" for SK hynix - currently the only major conglomerate that simultaneously falls under the categories of AI, semiconductors and second-tier subsidiary restrictions.

FTC Chair Ju Biung-ghi previously dismissed the move as addressing "just a few companies' complaints."

However, Choi Sung-jai, a professor of law at Sejong University and former Supreme Court research officer, said, "Even within semiconductors, the ecosystem spans wafers, lithography equipment, materials and logistics. Any deregulation will ultimately benefit the entire value chain, not just one company."

"When it comes to high-tech industries, where long-term upfront investment is essential, the scale of spending required goes far beyond what national growth funds can support," said Choi. "This is not just about corporate strategy - it's about national technological sovereignty and competitiveness."

Some exp...

This article is by Kim Ju-yeon, Yonhap and read by an artificial voice.

Tokyo was the most popular destination for travelers flying on Korean Air for the second year in a row, the carrier said Thursday.

Japan has been the most favored destination nation for travelers leaving Korea so far this year, according to the flag carrier's year-end report using data from Jan. 1 to Nov. 10. The Japanese capital was followed by Osaka and Fukuoka. The Thai capital of Bangkok placed fourth.

Travel to China saw sharp growth, with passengers flying from Korean cities to Shanghai increasing by 128,000 from a year earlier and those to Beijing rising by 71,000.

The Chinese government launched a program for Korean nationals offering visa-free entry for up to 15 days from Nov. 8, 2024. It was extended through 2025 and then further to 2026.

In total, Korean Air ferried more than 16.49 million passengers from Jan. 1 to Nov. 10 and flew a total of 280 million kilometers (174 miles) so far, a distance that can circle Earth approximately 6,986 times.

Travelers in their 30s and 40s accounted for 40 percent of the total, and those in their 50s and 60s made up 30 percent.

Foreign nationals represented 35 percent of all passengers, with U.S. and Chinese travelers each accounting for 24 percent of that group.

The report also highlighted unique travel patterns: The most frequent customer flew 216 times this year, 5,192 unaccompanied minors traveled using Korean Air's children assistance service and nearly 32,000 pets were transported overseas.

The most-watched in-flight movie was "Captain America: Brave New World," while the Korean rom-com "Lovely Runner" was the most-selected TV series and MBC's "I Live Alone" the most-watched comedy show.

On Korean Air's Prestige business class, passengers selected stir-fried spicy octopus with rice the most as their on-flight meal.

The airline acquired Korea's second-largest carrier, Asiana Airlines, with full integration set to finish by 2027.

This article is by Lee Ga-ram and read by an artificial voice.

As AI drives up the demand for chips, Korea's semiconductor factories are running so hard that even high-stakes logistics involving moving ultra delicate, multimillion-dollar equipment have become a booming industry of its own.

On Tuesday morning, a logistics warehouse inside the integrated logistics center in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi, was filled wall to wall with cargo, from large plywood crates to small parcel boxes - all spread directly on the floor. Unlike most warehouses, no items were stacked.

"That equipment inside the plywood box alone is worth $4 million," said one warehouse manager, referring to a specific crate. "These goods are not only expensive but also highly sensitive to vibrations, so we avoid stacking them as much as possible."

Industrial heaters also run nonstop to maintain interior warmth to combat the freezing temperatures outside.

This warehouse belongs to a logistics company specializing in semiconductors and holds more than 10,000 maintenance equipment and spare parts from global semiconductor equipment manufacturers, including Applied Materials (AMAT) and Axcelis. These are "precious shipments from across the sea" that Samsung Electronics and SK hynix are seeking now more than ever.

Fueled by the AI investment boom, the semiconductor market is experiencing a supercycle, and logistics companies are reaping the benefits. With Samsung and SK hynix ramping up fab - or semiconductor factory - operations, the need for maintenance equipment and spare parts has risen sharply.

Foreign semiconductor equipment makers typically outsource product transportation through third-party logistics providers in Korea, but when Samsung or SK hynix places an order, logistics firms dispatch parts in storage directly to their fabs. Ilyang Logis, which handles Lam Research parts, saw delivery volume rise by 30 percent compared to last year.

"Maintenance parts are often needed urgently, so on-time delivery is critical," said Kim Byung-seon, the CEO of Dream Logistics, which manages AMAT parts. "Our average daily shipments jumped from 130 to 200 this year, prompting us to hire 20 new employees in August."

Korea's semiconductor exports remain strong, boosting air cargo volume. Last month, semiconductor exports hit a record high of $17.26 billion, marking nine consecutive months of growth.

The volume of air cargo in particular has increased. Since semiconductors are sensitive to humidity and vibrations, airfreight is virtually the only viable transport method.

With chip production and exports rising rapidly, FedEx launched its first direct route between Korea and Taiwan in July, with seven flights per week. High bandwidth memory (HBM) chips made from Taiwan's TSMC wafers are packaged with Korean memory products before being re-exported.

Although semiconductor logistics is a highly valuable sector, it faces many obstacles - especially strict requirements. Logistics providers must meet specific warehouse standards and use vibration-free transport vehicles, and employees must pass background checks to access fabs.

Extreme ultraviolet lithography equipment from Dutch firm ASML, imported by Samsung and SK hynix, weighs more than 30 tons per unit and costs several hundred billion won. Specialized deliveries are handled by Haewoo GLS for Samsung and Lotte Logistics for SK hynix.

Companies are also adopting advanced technologies. U.S.-based Micron has implemented FedEx's AI-powered logistics solutions, increasing on-time delivery rates by 27 percent and reducing overall delivery time by 16 percent.

"Semiconductor manufacturing spans multiple countries and from production and assembly to testing and packaging," said a FedEx representative. "That's why precise data management and swift risk response are critical."

"As global supply chains diversify and grow more complex, the demand for smart, quick logistics in the semiconductor industry will only intensify," the FedEx represe...

The author is an HCMC distinguished professor at the Korea Institute for Advanced Study.

At twenty-one, an age filled with ambition, we formed scrums of students on a campus clouded by shouts from pro-democracy rallies and tear gas. We pushed forward, then fell back. Youth, yearning for freedom, burned with thirst. Before long the university was shut by force and we scattered without direction. In those bleak months, when there seemed nowhere to rest our thoughts, a close friend handed me a small paperback. It was a book titled "Weaknesses of Mathematics," and it became a quiet refuge. I read it alone until the campus reopened, turning its pages for solace. There, by chance, I encountered an old unsolved mathematical problem. I felt pulled into a world I had never known.

It was a path with no return, a narrow road whose end could not be seen. Hardships came as they always do, yet none compared with the struggles of Kepler, who endured adversity while seeking the laws that govern the heavens. The friend who gave me the book died young. His final request was simple: Solve the problem. I nodded, promising I would try, but the years slipped by.

A few years ago, on the hill at 85 Hoegi-ro, several young mathematicians wrestling with their own impossible questions offered me a small office. It was inside the Korea Institute for Advanced Study, the country's first research center devoted to pure theoretical science, a place known for the motto "Imagination for the Impossible." In that quiet room, the only sound is chalk scratching across a board. Two years have passed as I sit here with a view of Namsan, absorbed in the same riddle.

Doubt creeps in at times. Can the problem ever be solved? Evening settles and the traveler's heart grows heavy. Outside, the hill glows red in the dusk, colored by the intensity of young scholars who lose track of time as they face their own puzzles. To steady myself, I reach for the yellowed paperback on the shelf. As I hold it, I hear my friend's faint humming from long ago. "Off to catch a whale that breathes like a myth."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is Director of the East Asia Center, Institute for 21C Security Strategies Research-Korea.

Since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced a comprehensive Taiwan policy in January 2019, the possibility of a contingency in the Taiwan Strait has become a key security issue for East Asian states. For Korea, the implications are stark: about 40 percent of its trade volume passes through the Taiwan Strait, meaning any military confrontation would have direct economic consequences. The central question is how the United States and Japan would respond.

In November, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi told the Diet's Budget Committee that a Chinese attack on Taiwan would constitute an "existential crisis" for Japan, implying Tokyo would intervene. Her words sparked outrage in China. Xue Jian, China's consul general in Osaka, posted an inflammatory message on social media saying he would "have no choice but to sever the dirty neck lunging toward us," prompting a diplomatic uproar.

Only weeks earlier, Xi and Takaichi had met for the first time on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Gyeongju, yet the atmosphere was cold. After Takaichi's remarks, relations deteriorated sharply, extending into military signaling and casting a shadow over diplomatic, economic and cultural exchanges.

Japan has been preparing for a Taiwan contingency since the Shinzo Abe administration, studying possible scenarios and updating its security laws to respond to a shifting strategic environment. Tokyo envisions three stages.

The first stage is a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. The United States would face a decision on deploying forces. Japan would designate the situation as a "significant impact event," allowing U.S. forces to set up temporary bases across southwestern islands, with the Self-Defense Forces providing rear-area support.

The second stage begins once fighting breaks out between U.S. and Chinese forces. At this point, Japan would declare an "existential crisis," enabling the Self-Defense Forces to exercise collective self-defense and engage in military action at U.S. request.

The third stage arises if China attacks U.S. bases or Japanese Self-Defense Force facilities in Japan. Tokyo would then invoke individual self-defense and the Self-Defense Forces would respond directly to the Chinese military. This would lead to a full-scale war involving the United States, Japan and Taiwan against China. Takaichi's remarks were interpreted as referencing this second stage.

These Japanese positions stem from the transformation during Abe's second term, when Japan reoriented itself toward becoming a state capable of wartime operations.

Current tensions between China and Japan trace back to their 1972 normalization of relations. Both sides endorsed a "one China" framework but interpreted it differently. China has consistently claimed that Taiwan is part of its territory. Japan, while not contesting China's position, maintained strategic ambiguity, insisting that a peaceful resolution was a prerequisite. If Beijing were to pursue unification through force, the joint communiqué that underpins bilateral ties would be effectively void.

For Korea, the escalation offers several lessons.

First, Seoul must consider how to respond when China seeks to pressure neighboring governments to retract statements and asserts power to shape foreign political discourse. Korea experienced similar pressure during the THAAD dispute. Preventing a repeat will require pragmatic diplomacy and mutual respect in Korea-China relations.

Second, Korea must ensure that a Taiwan contingency does not automatically become a Korea contingency or a crisis for the Korea-U.S. alliance. Avoiding the worst outcome means advance consultations with Washington so the alliance functions effectively in an emergency. A U.S. think tank's Taiwan-strategy simulation found that without Japanese cooperation, the U.S. military would lose to China, underscoring the importance...

The author is the head of the editorial board at the JoongAng Ilbo.

In Herodotus' "Histories" (c. 440 B.C.), there is a tale about Croesus, the king of Lydia. After offering gold to the oracle at Delphi, he asked whether he should attack Persia. The Pythia delivered her prophecy: if Croesus crossed the Halys River, he would destroy a great empire. Encouraged, he marched into war and suffered a crushing defeat. Barely escaping with his life, Croesus returned to the temple and demanded an explanation. The oracle answered that the great empire destined to fall was not Persia, but Lydia.

The story is often cited to illustrate the danger of ambiguous prophecy and the hubris of human interpretation. The "law distortion" offense proposed by the Democratic Party (DP) carries the same flavor of ambiguity. Terms like "intentional distortion" or "significant abuse of prosecutorial authority" are vague enough to create a chilling effect on judges, prosecutors and investigators. When language lacks clarity, interpretation becomes an instrument of power. Ambiguity becomes the space where authority operates.

The same concern applies to the proposed special tribunal for insurrection cases. The banner of speed and efficiency conceals an unmistakable political motive. Random assignment of judges is a foundational safeguard of judicial fairness. Renaming a "special court" as a "dedicated tribunal" does not alter its essence. Creating a tailored panel for a specific case exerts pressure toward a predetermined outcome. Although the plan has been paused due to backlash, senior ruling-party figures such as Jung Chung-rae and Choo Mi-ae continue to signal that they will push ahead. President Lee Jae Myung has also said he favors installing such panels, beginning with appellate trials.

This sustained pressure on the judiciary ultimately targets one individual: former president Yoon Suk Yeol. Others implicated as "accomplices" exist, but they were swept up in a sudden political storm triggered by a single actor. One of the essential conditions of law is universality. Even the worst offenders must be judged through procedures that allow the public to accept the outcome. If urgency becomes a justification for weakening universal safeguards, the judiciary risks becoming a servant of political power. There are, of course, exceptional circumstances - such as postwar prosecution of crimes against humanity - when legal generality is temporarily suspended. But however outrageous Yoon's imposition of martial law may have been, equating it with the genocidal barbarism of the Nazis is an untenable leap.

The ruling bloc is also crafting laws aimed at protecting another political figure positioned opposite Yoon: the sitting president. Courts may sometimes suspend proceedings against an incumbent for reasons of national stability. Yet, the DP seeks to go further by amending the Criminal Procedure Act to halt all criminal trials involving a sitting president. Moves to delete the offense of spreading false information in election law or to raise the threshold for invalidating an election result to a fine of 10 million won follow the same logic. The prosecution's withdrawal of its Daejang-dong appeal represents the apex of tailoring procedural outcomes for specific individuals. Whether the purpose is punishment or protection, the law becomes patchwork the moment it is customized. Such tailoring undermines Korea's hard-won status as an advanced democracy.

The Roman statesman Cicero wrote, "We are slaves to the law so that we may be free." For law to function as an instrument of freedom, personal customization must be avoided. The moment a law summons to mind a particular individual, its fairness is called into question. Modern constitutional states insist on general and abstract norms for precisely this reason.

Hard-liners within the ruling camp argue that elements in the judiciary, the prosecution or remnants of martial law forces threaten democracy and must, th...

The People Power Party (PPP) has sharply criticized National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik after a chaotic breakdown during a filibuster earlier this week. Floor leader Song Eon-seog said the party would pursue legal action over what he called Woo's violation of parliamentary rules. Deputy Speaker Joo Ho-young, also a People Power Party member, called the episode "deeply shameful" for the Assembly leadership. The clash stemmed from the speaker's decision on Dec. 9 to cut off a lawmaker's microphone mid-filibuster, turning the final day of the regular session into yet another display of disorder in Korean politics.

The confrontation began when the PPP launched a filibuster to block year-end passage of contentious bills, including legislation to establish a dedicated tribunal for insurrection cases. Tensions rose when Na Kyung-won exchanged remarks with the speaker, prompting Woo to declare her comments off-topic and forcefully switch off her microphone. It was the first time in 61 years that a presiding officer halted a filibuster speech in this way - since Speaker Lee Hyo-sang cut the microphone of then-lawmaker Kim Dae-jung in April 1964. When PPP lawmakers fitted Na with a wireless microphone, Woo and Democratic Party (DP) lawmakers protested, leading to repeated interruptions and restarts. Only a week earlier, the parties had congratulated themselves for meeting the legal deadline to pass next year's budget. The regular session instead ended in chaos.

Woo's argument - that remarks during a filibuster must remain within the bounds of the legislative agenda - is valid in principle. But it is also widely understood that the opposition initiated the filibuster not to debate the franchise law amendment formally on the schedule, but to block the insurrection-tribunal bill. Given the filibuster's intended purpose of protecting minority voices, some flexibility in interpreting relevance is reasonable. Since its revival through the 2012 parliamentary reform law, the filibuster has allowed broad leeway in speech. That is why PPP lawmakers cited DP precedents - such as a lawmaker reading aloud from a novel or Choo Mi-ae singing during a past filibuster - as justification for their outrage.

Politics, at its core, is the art of compromise, yet little of that spirit is visible today. DP leader Jung Chung-rae on Dec. 10 again vowed to "root out the remnants of insurrection," while the PPP began a sit-in protest to oppose what it calls eight "poison bills." The ruling DP also considered, then paused, a proposal to require at least 60 lawmakers to be present for a filibuster to proceed. In this environment, even the speaker - whose role is to mediate - has instead collided with the opposition, leaving the Assembly mired in turmoil.

In a moment that shattered a 61-year norm of respecting filibuster rights, both the speaker and lawmakers from every party should recognize the embarrassment brought upon the legislature.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Hwang Kun-kang and read by an artificial voice.

The rising wave of hacking attacks in the era of advancing AI isn't a coincidence but evidence of a balance that has been broken - says "white hat hacker" turned KAIST professor, Yun In-su.

According to Yun, who teaches security and software systems and networking at KAIST, the recent waves of security breaches reflect the speed at which attackers adopt AI tools - opening up a new "turbulent transition period" as hackers use AI to strike more quickly and broadly than before.

"The real challenge lies in how organizations respond to repeated breaches that show no sign of slowing," Yun said, addressing the rising public concerns as hackers deploy AI to launch coordinated attacks on security systems.

"No matter how advanced technology becomes, the problem ultimately comes from people. We need to reassess the social attitude that ignores even the most basic security principles."

Yun built his career as a white hat hacker and won the Capture the Flag (CTF) hacking competition at DEF CON, the world's largest hacking competition, in 2015 and 2018. He earned a Ph.D. from the Georgia Institute of Technology and joined KAIST as a professor in 2021 at the age of 31.

He continues to work on the front lines of cybersecurity while teaching. In August this year, he led a team that won the AI Cyber Challenge (AIxCC), an event hosted by the U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency. He also serves as an adviser to the security subcommittee of the National Artificial Intelligence Strategy Committee.

The JoongAng Sunday sat down with Yun on Nov. 25 to discuss why AI now gives hackers an edge and what that means for Korea's cybersecurity defenses.

Q. Recent cyberattacks have grown more severe. What accounts for the scale of these breaches?

A. Security breaches have always occurred, but the recent intrusions into major telecom, retail and financial companies, as well as government systems, carry a different level of shock. Public and private systems that people rely on every day hold vast amounts of personal data, and once that data leaks it can fuel new crimes. That is why anxiety inevitably grows. Cyberattacks no longer remain the problem of a single company or institution.

Even systems regarded as highly secure reported breaches. Why did those incidents strike such a nerve?

There is no shield that never breaks. No security system is an exception. Attacks eventually break through when repeated, and the issue ultimately becomes a matter of cost and efficiency. As AI becomes easier to use, hackers change their strategies.

How far has AI-based defense technology progressed?

At AIxCC in August this year, teams submitted their systems and could not adjust anything afterward. That is because AI now detects vulnerabilities, defends and revises its own security responses on its own. Once that level of AI defense becomes commonplace, defense costs will fall and the advantages hackers currently enjoy will disappear. We must avoid the illusion that AI will solve everything. Hacking and defense both come down to people.

You mentioned the recent Coupang hacking incident. Why do you see it as significant?

The case showed how difficult it is to prevent security breaches caused by one person's abnormal behavior, indifference or small mistakes. Security incidents spread across both online and offline environments, so we need systems that respond not only to AI threats but also to human behavior.

Why is the recent Coupang data leak particularly serious?

Most hacks target known vulnerabilities to break into internal servers. The Upbit hack that occurred around the same time appears to be a technically advanced attack that exploited Upbit's own vulnerabilities. But the Coupang case involved an insider, which is much harder to defend against. Once that trust breaks, defensive layers collapse. Designing security around distrust of insiders is not easy. It burdens companies with costs and hur...

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice.

[Hired in Korea]

As more internationals look to build careers in Korea, many find themselves facing practical hurdles - from limited guidance to a lack of firsthand experience. To bridge that gap, the Korea JoongAng Daily talks with professionals who have carved out their paths in diverse fields, offering readers real-world insights on how to start their careers in the country in this series "Hired in Korea."

Brooke Megan Goodman, who dreamed of becoming a voice or film actor, actively took part in musical productions and operas while living in her home state of Florida in the United States.

However, while working part-time at a restaurant, she found herself considering a new idea: moving to Korea to continue her studies, inspired by her positive experience with her Korean management.

"Honestly, I didn't think too deeply about coming to Korea. I was just confident in my decision because my bosses gave me a great impression of the country and told me it's safe and full of job opportunities," Goodman said. "While studying for a few months at Yonsei, I felt I needed to stay and work in Korea, so I started working as an English teacher at a day care center."

Setting her dreams aside for a moment, Goodman worked as an English instructor for two years before realizing she wanted to pursue voice acting again, this time in Korea.

"I didn't even get paid at first; I just started doing volunteer work in Osan, really far away. Now I'm dreaming of becoming the Tara Strong of Asia," Goodman said, referring to the Canadian voice actor who worked on shows like "Rugrats" (1991-2004) and "The Powerpuff Girls" (1998-2005).

"I want to be the main voice you hear everywhere," said Goodman.

The Korea JoongAng Daily sat down with Goodman to hear more about her journey, the challenges of being a foreign worker in Korea and her advice to those hoping to build a career here.

Q. What are some of the major projects you've worked on so far? What was the most memorable project?

A. The most impressive one was the MAMA Awards. The MAMA Music Awards is one of the biggest shows in Asia, so it was very memorable for me.

Counter-Strike Online is one. I voice a couple of characters: Lingling and Lynn are both me. Another one is Summoners War: Chronicles. I play Soleta there.

At the Mokdong Immigration Office, the announcements, like "Please come to Desk No. 521... Desk No. 7" - that's me.

I'm also at Incheon International Airport, like in some elevators or corridors.

I'm often the narrator or the voice of a little girl or a little boy for many educational materials in Korea.

I've done recordings for Samsung and Otoki, too.

Can you walk us through your typical day?

For any voice recording job, the tasks start with reviewing the script.

I don't always receive the script in advance. About 80 percent of the time, I get it as soon as I walk into the studio. They give me about five minutes to read it over, think about what voice the client probably wants, practice it, and then record.

Before recording, I should always be warmed up.

In the morning, I try to do vocal exercises and get into the right mindset. I always have a hot drink and a cold drink with me to keep my voice in good condition.

So that's the basic process. It's pretty simple.

What kind of training or education did you need to become a voice actor?

I searched online for coaches, and the ones I found worked at one of the most famous dubbing studios in the States.

From them, I learned how to control my voice, how to make a strong demo and how to incorporate acting into my voice work.

I also self-studied. I bought acting books and studied acting theory. The theater classes I took in university probably helped, too.

I actually trained in opera as well, which helped me develop my vocal range and learn how to safely project my voice when doing things like screams.

There's always a safe way to use your voice.

How did you start voice acting h...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

At Hyundai Motor's flagship plant in Ulsan, the entire process on the assembly line for car bodies - where the very backbone of a vehicle is manufactured - is handled entirely by robots, without a single human in sight.

While such full automation has become a common sight, a closer look reveals a stark reality: Amid the global boom in "physical AI," Korea may top the charts in robot density - a measurement of robots to human workers - but high-performing, productivity-driving robots, the kind that signal true technological prowess, are notably absent.

China aims to secure primacy by 2027, with major players such as Ubitech and Unitree rolling out new models at a breakneck pace, buoyed by an aggressive wave of state-level support.

Density isn't development

In terms of robot deployment, Korea stands unrivaled. The country had 1,012 industrial robots per 10,000 employees in 2023, the highest figure ever recorded and far above the global average of 162, according to a report by the International Federation of Robotics. The gap with other nations is staggering: Singapore, the second-highest, is at 770 units, followed by China at 470 and Germany at 430.

But a critical caveat lies in Korea's robotics capability, which remains largely confined to traditional industrial systems, rather than the autonomous, cognitively capable platforms that define the cutting edge of humanoid and physical AI development.

Morgan Stanley's Humanoid 100 report shows that between 2022 and February of this year, 40 Chinese companies, or 61 percent of all firms globally, unveiled new humanoid robot models. North American companies accounted for 24 percent, while Korea had just one - Rainbow Robotics, a Samsung-affiliated robotics subsidiary.

The gap is equally stark in patent activity. Between 2018 and 2023, China filed 5,688 humanoid robot-related patents, far outpacing the United States' 1,483 and Japan's 1,195, while and Korea registered just 368.

"From a technological standpoint, if the United States stands at 100, Korea falls somewhere between zero and one," said Park Chul-wan, a professor of automotive engineering at Seojeong University.

"Korea's extensive use of robots simply makes it a convenient test bed, an attractive place for global companies to trial their products because many industrial robots are already deployed," Park added. "In reality, Korea produces none of the high-end industrial robots that drive the frontier of the field."

In practice, even Hyundai Motor Group's roughly 88 percent stake in Boston Dynamics does not grant it meaningful control over the Massachusetts-based robot maker's core technologies.

Large corporations, despite their capacity for significant investment, have been notably hesitant to enter the robotics market. As of 2023, Korea was home to 2,524 robotics companies, of which more than 98 percent were small- and medium-sized enterprises. Large firms account for just 0.5 percent, or 12 companies, while mid-sized firms represent 1.3 percent, according to data from the Korea Institute for Robot Industry Advancement.

Among the total, roughly half, or 1,296 firms, operate affiliated research laboratories, yet only 53.8 percent of them are dedicated to robotics-related research.

Susanne Bieller, the general secretary of the International Federation of Robotics, also pointed out that Korea's powerful labor unions, which she noted have often constrained productivity gains.

"Labor unions are quite strong in Korea; it's good to have them on board and make them understand it's not against them, but it's rather supporting their members to introduce automation," Bieller said during a recent interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily.

"If you have the staff embracing the technology and not fighting against it, it could be one of the factors increasing productivity."

Chained to China's lead

While Korea, which became the world's second nation to develo...