Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

Cho Hyun-suk

The author is the economy news editor of the JoongAng Ilbo.

The protagonist Seong Gi-hun, played by Lee Jung-jae in the Netflix drama "Squid Game" (2021), barely survives a deadly contest worth 45.6 billion won ($30.3 million) in the first season. Instead of fleeing with the prize money, however, he chooses to reenter the game. Because he has played before, he believes this time will be different.

After the first brutal round leaves participants in panic, Seong shouts to the terrified contestants, "I've played this game before."

The result unfolds exactly as viewers might expect. Even for Seong, experience does not change the outcome. With the exception of a single survivor, nearly everyone meets a grim fate. The bloody survival thriller and the often dense field of economic and financial crisis research share an unexpected connection here.

That connection is captured in the book "This Time Is Different" (2009) by Harvard University professor Kenneth Rogoff and economist Carmen Reinhart. The authors examine centuries of financial crises and identify recurring patterns that appear again and again. They describe these patterns as the "this time is different" syndrome.

The sequence of crisis typically unfolds in a familiar way. Debt accumulates first. Excessive borrowing creates the illusion that economic growth is stronger than it truly is. Housing prices and stock markets rise, while financial institutions appear stable and profitable. Eventually an unexpected shock or external trigger shatters market confidence and the economy plunges into crisis.

At this point the "this time is different" syndrome emerges. Policymakers and investors convince themselves that they have learned from past mistakes and become more sophisticated. They believe that new financial tools, better regulation or superior knowledge will prevent the same collapse from happening again.

Yet Rogoff and Reinhart reach the opposite conclusion. Their extensive historical data show that crises arrive repeatedly and rarely turn out to be different. Like Seong Gi-hun returning to the deadly game, economies often repeat familiar mistakes.

This year bears unsettling similarities to 2008. At that time geopolitical tensions in the Middle East intensified as concerns over Iran's nuclear program resurfaced and the Iraq war added to regional instability. Supply anxiety combined with surging demand from emerging economies pushed commodity prices, including oil, sharply upward.

By 2008 international oil prices had soared above $100 per barrel. In Korea, the newly inaugurated administration of President Lee Myung-bak entered office with the ambitious "747 pledge," which promised 7 percent annual economic growth, $40,000 in per capita income and the world's seventh largest economy. But the government soon confronted a different reality — high oil prices, a weak currency and rising interest rates.

From its first year in office the government rolled out emergency measures. Fuel taxes were cut in March. In June authorities including the Fair Trade Commission and the National Tax Service launched wide-ranging investigations into hoarding and collusion affecting oil, telecommunications fees and processed food prices.

Some policies were unprecedented. The government drafted a supplementary budget under the banner of "overcoming high oil prices and stabilizing livelihoods." It used tax revenue collected beyond expectations the previous year to provide oil price rebates of up to 240,000 won per person. In many ways the policy resembled an early version of the disaster relief payments seen in later years.

The same year also saw the launch of Opinet, the Korea National Oil Corporation's fuel price information system, which publicly disclosed gasoline prices at gas stations nationwide beginning in April.

Despite these efforts rising oil prices proved impossible to contain. In July 2008 global crude prices reached a record $147 per barrel. Less than two months later, how...

Choi Hoon

The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

One of the most notable and intriguing developments in Korean politics recently has been President Lee Jae Myung's direct communication with the public through social media.

Lee is an early adopter who began using Facebook in the early 2010s, when smartphones were rapidly spreading, during his time as mayor of Seongnam. Since taking office, he has used X, formerly Twitter, as a tool to deliver messages and promote policies. More recently, he even joined TikTok, a short-form video platform where 61 percent of users are between the ages of 18 and 34, expanding his outreach to younger audiences.

Through these platforms, Lee has broadened his communication network to include both millennials — people born between 1981 and 1996 — and Generation Z, born between 1997 and 2012. This strategy marks a different path from the People Power Party, which critics say remains confined within the echo chamber of conservative YouTube channels steeped in far-right nostalgia.

The rise of direct communication from presidents is partly rooted in longstanding tensions with traditional media such as newspapers and broadcasters, whose role has been to monitor power. Former President Roh Moo-hyun often lamented that he felt "trapped inside castle walls, constantly under attack from the media," and remarked that it sometimes seemed as though OhmyNews, a progressive online news outlet, was his only ally. Roh frequently repeated the idea that "we must find our own way to survive and create our own exit." That exit, in his view, lay in communicating with the broader public outside the walls through the internet.

U.S. President Donald Trump, serving his second term, also made extensive use of social media. He once said it allowed him to communicate directly with citizens "without going through fake news." Trump added that without social media, he might not have reached his current position. He likened tweeting to typing on a typewriter, saying that when he posted a message, television networks would immediately broadcast it. By bypassing critical outlets such as CNN and The New York Times, he used the speed of direct communication as a political weapon.

President Lee has expressed similar views. During last year's presidential campaign, he remarked that without direct communication with citizens through social media, he might not have survived politically. He argued that distorted coverage and misinformation from some media outlets would otherwise have destroyed him. According to Lee, the reason such attacks failed was precisely because he communicated directly with the public. He even described social media as his political lifeline.

Direct communication certainly offers advantages in the era of new media. When presidents seek to persuade the public directly in order to advance policies, it can become a modern strength of leadership rather than reliance on personal charisma alone. The agenda-setting role once dominated by traditional media is increasingly shifting. Issues debated on social media often form the agenda first, after which traditional media report on them in what could be called reverse agenda setting.

For traditional media, this change presents new tasks: ensuring factual accuracy, providing deeper professional analysis and discovering fresh perspectives beyond the rapid exchanges of online debate.

Yet, the growing reliance on presidential social media also raises concerns. Korea's political culture often treats a president's words as the final answer. As a result, discussions, debates and verification processes among administrative agencies or presidential advisers risk being overshadowed by the president's speed in posting messages.

One example was Lee's proposal of a "sugar tax," which he floated on social media. Over the past two months, he has also issued a series of messages about real estate policy, making it difficult to understand policy direction without checking...

U.S. President Donald Trump has publicly called on five countries — Korea, China, Japan, the United Kingdom and France — to dispatch naval vessels to the Strait of Hormuz. The request was delivered through social media, where Trump argued that each country should take responsibility for protecting the safety of its own commercial shipping.

The demand appears to reflect Washington's attempt to share the burden of the conflict with the international community. Because the request comes from the United States, Korea's security ally, it cannot simply be ignored. Yet the situation is uncomfortable. The United States launched the war unilaterally and is now urging other countries to join afterward.

It is also unusual that a request that could lead to participation in war was first made through social media rather than formal diplomatic channels. Such an approach does not fit established international practice and places partner countries in a difficult position.

The Strait of Hormuz has become a geopolitical flashpoint. The risk of naval mines or torpedoes possibly deployed by Iran remains high, while missile and drone attacks are constant threats. The narrow waterway is one of the world's most sensitive maritime chokepoints.

Diplomatic consequences also require attention. Korea has maintained relatively balanced relations with countries across the Middle East. The region is central to Korea's energy security and an important market for construction and plant projects. A hasty military intervention could damage diplomatic ties with Iran and other Middle Eastern states while harming Korea's economic interests.

At the same time it is difficult to dismiss entirely the argument that countries benefiting from safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz should contribute to protecting that security.

For that reason Seoul must avoid rushed decisions or premature public statements. Korea should closely monitor developments in the Middle East and the broader international response while carefully reviewing its options.

A presidential office official said the government would "communicate closely with the United States and make a careful judgment after reviewing the situation." Understanding Washington's intentions will be important, but coordination with other countries that received the same request is equally necessary.

Sending naval vessels would amount to dispatching Korean troops abroad. Any such decision therefore requires transparency and public consensus rather than closed-door deliberations. Korea's Constitution also makes this clear. Article 60, Clause 2 requires National Assembly approval before troops are deployed overseas.

If a deployment ultimately becomes unavoidable, Seoul should consider a pragmatic approach focused on protecting Korean shipping rather than participating directly in combat. A precedent exists. In 2020 Korea expanded the operational area of the Cheonghae Unit, an anti-piracy naval force, to waters near the Strait of Hormuz in order to safeguard Korean vessels.

Such a strategy helped maintain the Korea-U.S. alliance while limiting friction with Middle Eastern countries. At a time of heightened tensions Seoul needs the same careful diplomacy. Korea must safeguard national interests while maintaining its alliance with Washington and minimizing conflict with states in the region.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

Girl group ILLIT kicked off its first-ever live tour with a show doubling down on what the quintet does best: showing off its glittery charm with a wink of cheeky humor.

Fans who came expecting that signature sweetness would've got exactly what they wanted and then some. The roughly two-hour show unfolded like a pastel-hued spectacle filled with whimsical stage sets and polished production.

Those looking for the raw thrill of a live vocal showcase, however, may have found the experience a little too polished. The production ran with seamless precision that rarely broke the glossy surface, dulling the opportunities for genuine connection between ILLIT and the fans.

ILLIT launched its first concert tour, "Press Start," with two shows at Ticketlink Live Arena in southern Seoul on Saturday and Sunday.

Consisting of Yunah, Minju, Moka, Wonhee and Iroha, the group debuted in March 2024 under HYBE's Belift Lab after competing on JTBC's audition series "R U Next?" (2023). The quintet is known for its dreamy, fairy tale-inspired aesthetics, which lean into soft and whimsical visual elements marked by frilly dresses, school uniform-inspired costumes and pastel color tones. Its musical narrative centers on embracing one's true feelings and their unique self — best reflected in the title of the girl group's debut EP, "Super Real Me" (2024).

"Do you remember the moment that ILLIT and GLLIT met each other?" said Minju at the beginning of the evening, referring to the girl group's official fandom. "The title of our first live tour, 'Press Start,' means that we want to let you relive the excitement of that first encounter."

The show opened with the bubbly synth intro of "Magnetic" (2024). A dreamy fog filled the stage before the five members emerged from a giant heart-shaped installation.

Small details amplified ILLIT's signature vibe during each part of the show, including the fantasy-inspired decorations on the mic stands during "bamsopoong" (2025).

True to its title, the concert also leaned into a video game theme, with playful elements scattered throughout the show, such as 8-bit pixel art visuals, a retro game console-like stage setup where the members lined up like characters inside a game while performing "little monster" (2025).

The first prerecorded interlude of the show, in particular, leaned fully into rhythm-game nostalgia, as ILLIT guided fans through playful dance instructions in a segment reminiscent of the 2009 Nintendo rhythm game Rhythm Heaven, adding a quirky, distinctly ILLIT touch to the production.

After "Cherish" (2024), the concert shifted toward more vocal-focused performances, including "I'll Like You" (2024), "Pimple" (2024) and "Almond Chocolate" (2025). However, loud backing vocals made it difficult to distinguish the members' live singing from the show's backing track.

Adding to the show's minor drawbacks, many of the comments from ILLIT's members during the first hour also felt somewhat scripted rather than spontaneous. Yet, as the show moved forward and the members began exchanging banter and sharing their thoughts, the genuine sense of fun gradually emerged, revealing the "Super Real Me" ILLIT has built its identity around.

One surprise prepared for GLLIT was a set of unit performances of songs the members performed during their audition program days — a charismatic and chic performance of "Desperate" (2023) by Minju, Yunah and Iroha and "Scrum" (2023) by Moka and Wonhee.

The show's pace picked up with "My World" (2024) and "oops!" (2025), followed by a medley that covered tracks "Midnight Fiction" (2024) through "Do the Dance" (2025), "Not Cute Anymore" (2025), "Lucky Girl Syndrome" (2024) and "Not Me" (2025).

Minju, who said that she nearly teared up when fans chanted "ILLIT, I love you!" during brief intervals between sets, described the evening as dreamlike.

"I always wondered what it would feel like to have fans," she said. "I'm so h...

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice.

[INTERVIEW]

Iran's top diplomat to Seoul warned that any redeployment of U.S. strategic assets from South Korea to the Middle East would leave a security gap on the peninsula — while defending Tehran's nuclear program as strictly peaceful and dismissing allegations of military cooperation with Pyongyang.

"The U.S. forces and various military systems stationed in Korea are considered a crucial part of South Korea's defense capabilities," Ambassador Saeed Koozechi said through an interpreter in an exclusive two-hour interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily at the Iranian Embassy in central Seoul on Friday, nearly two weeks after the United States and Israel launched airstrikes on his country.

"Therefore, if some of this equipment and capability were to be relocated to the Middle East, it could be perceived as a vacuum to some degree or a weakening of Korea's defense capabilities. In this respect, the concerns being raised can be considered reasonable worries that are fully understandable from the perspectives of many military and security experts."

However, he noted that he did not see U.S. bases in Korea as "directly participating in military attacks against Iran" at this stage.

Koozechi held his first press conference on the situation one week ago, but this marks his first one-on-one media interview since the initial attacks, which killed former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and, according to Tehran, hit civilian infrastructure including an elementary school, prompting Iran to retaliate.

What Tehran asks of Seoul, Koozechi stressed, is for South Korea to ensure that those assets are not turned against Iran.

"We expect the South Korean government to ensure that its own facilities and capabilities are not used for the continuation of this attack or the expansion of such military adventures," he said.

Koozechi expressed little confidence that Washington would heed Seoul's objections. President Lee Jae Myung said Wednesday his government has expressed opposition to the relocation of some U.S. air-defense weapons, but acknowledged that Seoul cannot actually stop or fully "impose" its position on the U.S. military.

"As far as I know, the Korean government has also expressed dissatisfaction and concern regarding this issue," Koozechi said. "However, the U.S. side does not seem to have shown sufficient interest in this position."

"The initial calculations at the time this military adventure began appear to differ significantly from how the actual situation has unfolded over the past two weeks," he continued. "As a result, rather than helping to resolve the crisis, this trend is imposing a burden and damage even on the friends and allies of the United States, and consequently resulting in them becoming involved in this situation to some extent."

The conflict has already rattled global energy markets.

The South Korean government announced a cap on the price of oil at midnight Friday, setting maximum supply prices at 1,724 won per liter ($4.40 per gallon) for gasoline and 1,713 won for diesel, to be reviewed every two weeks depending on conditions in the Middle East.

At one point during the interview, a voice cut through from the street outside, amplified through a megaphone, demanding that Tehran "lift the blockade" of the vital Strait of Hormuz.

Iran's new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, ordered the oil shipping lane through the Strait to remain closed on Thursday.

While Koozechi acknowledged that the turmoil had "sent great shock waves" across the global energy market, he pushed back on characterizations of Tehran's posture in the Strait of Hormuz — a vital artery for South Korea's crude oil imports — as a blockade.

"Control and monitoring," he said, was the appropriate description. He attributed the maritime paralysis — marked by soaring insurance premiums and vessels rerouting away from the strait — to U.S. and Israeli "adventurism."

As for the safety of S...

This article is by Lee Ji-young and read by an artificial voice.

Renting glasses at a theater once meant one thing: watching a 3-D movie. Now the practice is crossing into the performing arts — this time to read subtitles.

The glasses can be rented easily in the theater lobby before the show. When worn, subtitles appear like a hologram, with each actor's lines appearing and disappearing in front of the viewer.

The advantages of the glasses are crystal clear: Audiences no longer have to shift their gaze between separate subtitle screens and the stage. They can follow both at once.

The device, developed by AI smart glasses manufacturer XpertINC, recognizes actors' voices, displaying dialogue and song lyrics in real time.

"AI subtitle glasses help people who have difficulty following dialogue — including deaf audience members and foreign visitors — better understand performances," Park Jeong-nam, CEO of XpertINC, said.

This technological advance offers an alternative to audiences who had to choose between focusing on the performance and reading the subtitles. The glasses allow the audience to read not only the actors' facial expressions but also the subtitles without missing a beat.

The AI subtitle glasses, called "Owl," are lighter than expected when first worn. The latest wireless model weighs about 61 grams (2.15 ounces), making it light enough to be worn comfortably throughout a performance. The device can also be worn over regular glasses.

The device uses a see-through display that allows viewers to read subtitles without obstructing the view of the stage. As actors deliver their lines, subtitles appear at the bottom of the lenses almost immediately. The position and size of the subtitles can be adjusted, and character names are displayed to help the audience follow the story.

The glasses are designed to make the text visible only to the wearer, preventing light from leaking out and distracting nearby audience members.

Various sounds occur simultaneously in a theater, including music, choir singing and audience applause. In such an environment, conventional speech recognition technology struggles to accurately recognize speech.

The Owl glasses, however, overcome this obstacle by using a voice recognition engine designed specifically for performance environments. The system compares actors' live voices with preloaded performance scripts to generate subtitles in real time.

Even when the actors' voices blend with music, the subtitles appear almost simultaneously. Subtitle response time ranges from 0.2 to 0.3 seconds, according to the company.

The idea behind the glasses began with a request from a user.

XpertINC had already been operating C-Sound, a subtitle glasses service designed to assist deaf people in everyday situations. One customer suggested adapting the technology for theater performances.

The company introduced the Owl glasses during a National Theater Company of Korea performance in 2024 and is now exploring expansion into overseas markets.

Discussions are underway to introduce the technology in theaters in London's West End, the company said.

The technology is also being viewed as a new approach to barrier-free performances.

In many theaters, barrier-free performances — designed for audiences with disabilities — have typically been offered only during specific showtimes, often with separate sign language interpretation and subtitle screens placed next to the stage.

AI subtitle glasses allow subtitles to be provided during regular performances, potentially lowering barriers to theatergoing while maintaining immersion in the show.

The service has already been introduced in several productions, including the musical "Kinky Boots" at the Charlotte Theater in Songpa District, southern Seoul, and the musical "Secretly, Greatly" at the NOL Theater Daehakro in the Daehangno theater district in central Seoul.

"We wanted to create an environment where more audiences can enjoy performances without restrictions," a re...

This article is by Cho Yong-jun and read by an artificial voice.

Amazon wowed the world when it introduced Amazon Go almost a decade ago, allowing customers to enter a shop, pick up a snack or drink and leave without interacting with a worker.

But the grand experiment of high-tech, unmanned convenience stores came to an end when the company announced in late January that it would shut down all its brick-and-mortar Amazon Go and Amazon Fresh convenience and grocery stores.

In Korea, however, there are hundreds of unmanned stores across the country, whether in residential areas or university and business districts. And their level of variety is unmatched, from the commonly seen small convenience stores to larger-scale bakeries, cafes, clothing boutiques and flower shops. There are even unstaffed pet shops that sell treats and have shower stations where owners can bathe their dogs unsupervised.

Unmanned stores became widespread in Korea thanks to their relatively lower starting and operating costs, paired with the fact that there's no need to hire full-time or part-time workers.

According to data from Samsung Card released last year, the number of unmanned stores in the country rose by 314 percent between 2020 and 2025 — a staggering figure, considering the total number of registered merchants rose by just 8 percent during the same period. However, the data excludes payments made through third-party platforms, like Naver Pay. Transactions from third-party platforms usually do not indicate the store in which the purchase took place.

Many of these stores also do not operate with the state-of-the-art technologies used by Amazon. For example, instead of having CCTVs that specifically monitor what customers take off the shelves, almost all unmanned stores in Korea rely on self-checkout kiosks, through which customers manually scan and pay for their items before leaving.

At the same time, the number of thefts in unmanned stores reported to the police has skyrocketed. The 3,514 reported burglary incidents in 2021 shot up to over 10,000 in 2023, according to statistics from the National Police Agency.

The surging crime rate, combined with constant news stories of younger individuals shoplifting from unmanned snack stores, has led many to doubt the sustainability of these businesses. It has also sparked debate over whether owners are relying on — or even "freeloading" off — the authorities to operate their stores, potentially wasting police manpower.

So why are unmanned stores booming in Korea while simultaneously facing controversies over a severe lack of security?

The varieties of unmanned stores in Korea

Walk through any residential neighborhood or university district, and the sheer density of unmanned retail becomes immediately apparent. Unmanned ice cream shops, likely the most common type of unstaffed store, feature multiple freezers filled with popsicles, sorbets and even premium brands, including Häagen-Dazs. Some also stock people's favorite impulse-buy snacks, such as chips and instant noodles.

At unmanned cafes, large espresso machines that resemble vending machines brew the coffee — not baristas. The flavor may not match that of a meticulously handcrafted cup, but night owls still flock to these cafes and use them as study, work or meeting spots.

One niche idea that has morphed into a massive market is the unmanned shop specializing in "zero-calorie" foods. Ranging from Coke Zero to sugar-free chocolates and aspartame-sweetened sorbets, these specialty stores are multiplying rapidly. Zero Store, one of the most prominent franchises, currently boasts over 170 branches nationwide.

"I often come here because [this unstaffed shop] offers more 'zero-sugar' drinks and sorbets, especially ones that are difficult to find at other convenience stores," Kim Jae-yeon, a university student, said. "They're often cheaper here, too."

The unmanned store boom also includes instant noodle cafes equipped with cookers and 24-hour clothing ...

This article is by Cho Yong-jun and read by an artificial voice.

Amazon wowed the world when it introduced Amazon Go almost a decade ago, allowing customers to enter a shop, pick up a snack or drink and leave without interacting with a worker.

But the grand experiment of high-tech, unmanned convenience stores came to an end when the company announced in late January that it would shut down all its brick-and-mortar Amazon Go and Amazon Fresh convenience and grocery stores.

In Korea, however, there are hundreds of unmanned stores across the country, whether in residential areas or university and business districts. And their level of variety is unmatched, from the commonly seen small convenience stores to larger-scale bakeries, cafes, clothing boutiques and flower shops. There are even unstaffed pet shops that sell treats and have shower stations where owners can bathe their dogs unsupervised.

Unmanned stores became widespread in Korea thanks to their relatively lower starting and operating costs, paired with the fact that there's no need to hire full-time or part-time workers.

According to data from Samsung Card released last year, the number of unmanned stores in the country rose by 314 percent between 2020 and 2025 — a staggering figure, considering the total number of registered merchants rose by just 8 percent during the same period. However, the data excludes payments made through third-party platforms, like Naver Pay. Transactions from third-party platforms usually do not indicate the store in which the purchase took place.

Many of these stores also do not operate with the state-of-the-art technologies used by Amazon. For example, instead of having CCTVs that specifically monitor what customers take off the shelves, almost all unmanned stores in Korea rely on self-checkout kiosks, through which customers manually scan and pay for their items before leaving.

At the same time, the number of thefts in unmanned stores reported to the police has skyrocketed. The 3,514 reported burglary incidents in 2021 shot up to over 10,000 in 2023, according to statistics from the National Police Agency.

The surging crime rate, combined with constant news stories of younger individuals shoplifting from unmanned snack stores, has led many to doubt the sustainability of these businesses. It has also sparked debate over whether owners are relying on — or even "freeloading" off — the authorities to operate their stores, potentially wasting police manpower.

So why are unmanned stores booming in Korea while simultaneously facing controversies over a severe lack of security?

The varieties of unmanned stores in Korea

Walk through any residential neighborhood or university district, and the sheer density of unmanned retail becomes immediately apparent. Unmanned ice cream shops, likely the most common type of unstaffed store, feature multiple freezers filled with popsicles, sorbets and even premium brands, including Häagen-Dazs. Some also stock people's favorite impulse-buy snacks, such as chips and instant noodles.

At unmanned cafes, large espresso machines that resemble vending machines brew the coffee — not baristas. The flavor may not match that of a meticulously handcrafted cup, but night owls still flock to these cafes and use them as study, work or meeting spots.

One niche idea that has morphed into a massive market is the unmanned shop specializing in "zero-calorie" foods. Ranging from Coke Zero to sugar-free chocolates and aspartame-sweetened sorbets, these specialty stores are multiplying rapidly. Zero Store, one of the most prominent franchises, currently boasts over 170 branches nationwide.

"I often come here because [this unstaffed shop] offers more 'zero-sugar' drinks and sorbets, especially ones that are difficult to find at other convenience stores," Kim Jae-yeon, a university student, said. "They're often cheaper here, too."

The unmanned store boom also includes instant noodle cafes equipped with cookers and 24-hour clothing ...

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

When the daughter of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un appeared beside her father at a military parade in Pyongyang in February, she was dressed much like him — in a black leather trench coat.

Widely identified as Kim Ju-ae, though never named by Pyongyang's state media, the girl struck a visual parallel with her father as columns of soldiers and missile units marched below.

Her attire also contrasted sharply with the childlike clothing she wore in her first appearance in state media in November 2022. While her outfits for formal occasions initially resembled those of her mother, Ri Sol-ju, they have gradually come to mirror her father's style in recent years.

In a political system where images of the leadership are tightly choreographed, observers say the clothing worn by Kim's daughter carries symbolic weight. Over the past three years, her attire has become part of a broader visual narrative about status, lineage and the possible future of the Kim dynasty.

A debut framed by military power

When Kim's daughter made her state media debut in November 2022, her clothing drew almost as much attention as the appearance itself.

Photographs from state media showed her wearing a white puffer jacket as she walked beside her father during his predawn inspection of a Hwasong-17, which was then the North's most advanced rocket, just before its first test launch.

Lee Sung-yoon, a principal fellow at the Sejong Institute's Center for Korean Peninsula Strategy, noted that Kim's daughter "looked her age" with her clothing, which he said which he said "befitted an approximately 9- or 10-year-old child."

The garment she wore at the launch resembled styles produced by European luxury outerwear brands such as Moncler and Dior — labels that can sell children's coats for well over $1,000. Her red patent leather shoes, tied with decorative bows, also stood out at an event where most attendees wore leather military boots.

Beyond its price tag, the white jacket stood out against the dark machinery at the launch site and the khaki-colored jacket worn by Kim Jong-un.

One widely circulated photograph of the event showed father and daughter walking away from the Hwasong-17 just before its launch at dawn — an image that appeared to highlight the familial bond between them.

The somberness of winter coats

In the months that followed, when Kim's daughter appeared in state media, her clothing often mirrored the sartorial choices of her mother, Ri Sol-ju — somber yet feminine garments that marked her as a "princess of the North's ruling party," according to Lee.

In photographs of a banquet in honor of North Korean military officers that took place on Feb. 7, 2023, Kim's daughter wore a dark suit jacket, matching skirt and white shirt with a black rhinestone brooch pinned to the knot of her tie. Her mother wore a similar outfit, but with a collarless black blouse.

The following day, both Kim Jong-un and his daughter appeared on the reviewing platform overlooking a military parade in Pyongyang marking the 75th anniversary of the founding of the regime's armed forces. State media images showed them standing together as columns of troops, armored vehicles and intercontinental ballistic missiles passed through Kim Il Sung Square.

For the parade, she wore a long dark coat with a fur collar and a different bejeweled brooch pinned to the lapel. She also wore a hat, likely to shield against the chill of the nighttime event.

The wardrobe choices avoided the bright colors or casual clothing typically associated with childhood, instead reflecting the solemn tone of military commemorations and her mother's understated style.

Luxury and lineage

While Kim's daughter has not worn many identifiable luxury accessories, the few she has sported appear in line with her family's penchant for items and clothing that are all but inaccessible to ordinary North Koreans.

In addition to coats from European designer bran...

This article is by Noh Yu-rim and read by an artificial voice.

At a Chicor beauty store in Mapo District, western Seoul, on Tuesday, young shoppers crowded around cosmetics from Chinese brand Flower Knows — one of the many signs of how Chinese consumer brands are gaining ground in Korea.

A wide array of the brand's products was prominently placed near the entrance. Known for its ornate, princess-style packaging, Flower Knows entered Chicor, a beauty retailer operated by Shinsegae International, on March 1.

One of the store's most popular items, the Bunny Garden 6-Color Makeup Palette, priced at 37,000 won ($25), was selling out quickly. The product is more expensive than a similar six-color palette from Korean beauty brand Clio, which costs about 27,000 won.

Lee Ga-hyeon, a 29-year-old from Bupyeong District, Incheon, said she used to purchase Flower Knows products only through overseas direct purchases but was glad she could now see them in person before buying.

"The products aren't cheap, but the pigmentation and application are good, and the design is very pretty and different from Korean cosmetics," Lee said.

Meanwhile, Chinese brands are expanding beyond cosmetics into a wide range of consumer sectors, such as food and beverage.

A merchandising head at a Korean convenience store chain, who requested anonymity, said they received an unexpected call last week from the Yantai Comprehensive Bonded Zone administrative committee in China. Bonded zones function as special trade areas that allow goods to be exported with fewer procedures.

The committee suggested that the convenience store chain source Chinese products through the Yantai bonded zone to secure stable supply and reduce purchasing costs.

"They said they wanted to explain the proposal in person, so we plan to meet in Korea later this month," the head said. "If the conditions are favorable, we plan to select items such as snacks and beverages to sell in our stores."

Chinese consumer products are increasingly entering the daily lives of Korean consumers. After expanding rapidly through online platforms such as AliExpress and Temu, Chinese brands are now stepping up their presence in offline sectors, including food, fashion and beauty.

The mala hot pot chain Tang Huo Kung Fu Mala Tang operates 494 locations in Korea alone as of press time. Chinese milk tea franchises ChaPanda, Mixue and Heytea have already opened between six and 24 stores in Korea. Another brand, Chagee, plans to open outlets in major commercial districts such as Gangnam, Yongsan and Sinchon across Seoul during the first half of this year.

A Chagee official said the company sees strong growth potential in Korea, where cafe culture is well-developed and interest in tea has been rising.

"Korean consumers are known for having high standards for quality," the official said. "We plan to attract them by offering a premium tea experience."

Other Chinese restaurant chains such as grilled fish restaurant Bantianyao Kaoyu and hot pot chain Haidilao currently operate between eight and 11 stores in Korea.

Industry observers say the rapid expansion of Chinese brands in Korea is partly due to changing perceptions among younger consumers. While Chinese products were previously seen mainly as inexpensive alternatives, many consumers now view them as offering solid quality.

The shift has also been influenced by the visa-free travel policy between Korea and China, which has made it easier for Koreans to travel to China and experience local products firsthand.

At the same time, slowing domestic demand in China has pushed more Chinese companies to look overseas for growth opportunities.

Jung Yeon-sung, a professor of business administration at Dankook University, said Korea is attracting attention as a strategic testing ground for global brand expansion because of its sophisticated consumers and rapidly changing trends.

"Consumer perceptions of China among Koreans have improved recently due to visa-free travel policie...