Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

[ABOUT TOWN]: Dapsimni-dong

Seoul is often viewed as a modern, trendy metropolis filled with high-rise buildings, bright billboards and zooming subways. But behind its stylish facade is a more down-to-earth, people's place that goes less noticed. Depending on the part of the city, busy-working locals find solace and joy in sizzling pork belly in an intimate barbecue restaurant, soju shots under a tent, coffee on the roof of a decades-old building and walks along the city's hidden trails. Each dong, or neighborhood, has its own unique history and remnants of the past, making Seoul a checkerboard of cultures and atmospheres.

In this series, the Korea JoongAng Daily examines both the past and present of Seoul's neighborhoods, offering recommendations on how to spend a day there like a local, including what to see and where to eat.

The worn marks, the traces of age, the quiet passage of time. When time can be seen and felt, preserved rather than simply left to fade, it becomes something deeply valuable — a quality present in the collection of antiques.

In Dapsimni-dong, a neighborhood in Dongdaemun District in eastern Seoul, that passage of time lives on through spaces and objects kept alive by people who have long cherished them.

The neighborhood's name, Dapsimni, carries several origin stories. One points to its geography. The area itself lies about 10 ri, a traditional unit of distance that translates to about 0.24 miles, from Dongdaemun, which was once the eastern gate of the city wall surrounding Hanyang. Hanyang served as the capital of the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910) and is now modern-day Seoul.

Some experts speculate that the "ni" within the name Dapsimni refers to the ri unit of distance, with "sip" meaning 10, highlighting its proximity to the capital's walls.

Another account links the name to the early Joseon Dynasty, when the Buddhist monk Muhak Daesa is said to have stepped across the area while searching for a site for the new capital, with "dap" meaning "to step."

Whatever the true origin, Dapsimni has long functioned as an area that people seem to pass through or briefly congregate. It was never the most glamorous commercial district compared to central Seoul's Insa-dong, but perhaps for that reason, the traces of the old neighborhood remain especially pronounced. Today, the area is split in two by the wide Cheonho-daero boulevard.

North of the road, the remnants of the past seem more prominent, with old villas, low-rise apartment buildings and shops that have stood for decades. South of the boulevard, redevelopment is shaping the landscape, with newer commercial spaces and a large apartment complex under construction.

In recent years, the northern side is experiencing renewed energy thanks to the Dapsimni Antique Art Street where antiques, paintings and ceramics — some dating back to the Joseon Dynasty — fill the narrow shops. Once a niche destination for collectors and art aficionados, the area has begun drawing younger visitors on the hunt for vintage objects.

Even as redevelopment reshapes parts of the neighborhood, Dapsimni continues to hold on to the past that defines it.

Dapsimni's antique labyrinth

The area is known for the Dapsimni Antique Shopping Mall, which has a history that spans from the 1970s. Shops that were once scattered across nearby neighborhoods such as Itaewon and Ahyeon-dong — selling old paintings, ceramics, objects and furniture — gradually gathered here, creating what would become the country's largest antique market.

Today, the stores, located near Exit 1 of Dapsimni Station on Line 5, are spread across Buildings 2 and 3, as well as 5 and 6, of the mall — with over 100 in total. Low-rise apartments sit above the shops, where people still live today.

The journey into the past begins outside, where stone sculptures of Buddha, stone towers and other artifacts are displayed. Inside, shops are clustered side by side along a ...

This article is by Sarah Chea, Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

As the Iran war deepens into an indefinite standoff, exports by Korea's automakers like Hyundai Motor have ground to a halt, abruptly clouding their endeavors in the once-promising Middle East market.

The setback is particularly acute as the Middle East has been considered a "land of opportunity" for Korean carmakers, thanks to the popularity of luxury, high-margin vehicles, making the disruption even more of a direct blow to profit stability.

For the semiconductor industry, the prolonged war could impede the supply of rare gases used in semiconductor manufacturing, with countries such as Qatar and Israel among the major producers.

Premium-heavy market hit by Hormuz closure

Until recently, Hyundai produced vehicles in India and Korea and shipped them across the Middle East, but exports have now been suspended entirely after the shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz — a vital, narrow maritime choke point connecting the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea — due to the ongoing conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran. Company expatriates in the region have all returned home.

Construction of the company's first car factory in Saudi Arabia has also faced uncertainity, potentially impacting its scheduled completion by the end of this year.

The Middle East remains a critical market for Hyundai, particularly as car sales have surged following the lifting of restrictions allowing women to drive, and the region's purchasing patterns that favor large, high-margin vehicles such as Genesis models and SUVs.

Hyundai Motor and Kia, the two largest Korean automakers, currently occupy about 15 percent of the Middle East market, second only to Toyota, while fast-rising Chinese automakers are in pursuit. Sales, which had hovered below 270,000 units in 2020, surged more than 50 percent to 413,000 as of last year, representing roughly 10 percent of the group's global deliveries. The two carmakers aim to reach sales levels of 550,000 around 2030.

"While there are a few alternative routes that bypass the Strait of Hormuz, the added costs and delays would significantly erode the productivity of export-driven companies," said Yang Uk, a research fellow at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies.

"The U.S. military will probably launch a large-scale escort operation for ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz, and if that campaign succeeds, it could pave the way for a declaration ending the conflict," Yang said. "But if it fails, the war is likely to drag on for an extended period."

Hyundai's plant, currently under construction, is designed to operate using complete knock down assembly processes, where Hyundai Motor ships auto parts to the facilities, which are then assembled locally. The annual capacity will be about 50,000 vehicles, with both electric and internal-combustion models produced on the same line.

While Hyundai said no immediate changes to the timetable have been confirmed, a prolonged war could delay the delivery of critical equipment and restrict the deployment of specialized personnel.

If completed, the plant would mark the first production foothold in the Middle East from a major global automaker. Until now, no other carmakers outside of U.S. EV maker Lucid Motors have established a full-scale production facility in the region.

The Middle East market is also one that Korean automakers can scarcely afford to lose, particularly after Hyundai's retreat from Russia following the outbreak of war with Ukraine. Hyundai sold off its plant in Saint Petersburg for just 10,000 rubles (about $125), and ultimately abandoned its buyback option after the conflict prolonged. Hyundai was the No. 2 carmaker in Russia, behind only local manufacturers, before being forced to walk away.

KG Mobility was also in the process of preparing to launch a semi-knockdown assembly plant in eastern Saudi Arabia with state-owned Saudi National Autom...

The author is the director of the Korea Institute of Egyptology.

"Why is Egypt, which once produced such a brilliant ancient civilization, now in such an underdeveloped state?" As a scholar of Egypt, this is a question I am often asked. It may sound natural at first, but it deserves more careful reflection. That premise deserves closer scrutiny.

To begin with, the question assumes that Egypt is an underdeveloped country. That assumption is usually based on Western standards. The comparison group, moreover, is often limited to some 20 advanced countries, including Korea. Out of more than 200 countries in the world, a small number are set up as the standard and the rest are judged against it.

That framing says as much about the observer as it does about Egypt itself. It reflects a world order in which a handful of wealthy states are treated as the norm, while other societies with different historical paths are evaluated according to standards they did not create.

Modern Egypt, however, is not a stagnant society in the way many people imagine. Since the 1990s, it has recorded average annual economic growth of about 5 percent. Life expectancy has risen and energy production has steadily increased. The population, which stood at about 50 million in the early 1990s, has now surpassed 100 million.

In terms of economic size, Egypt accounts for a large share of Africa's economy alongside South Africa and Nigeria. In 2026, its GDP ranks 42nd in the world. Given that there are more than 200 countries globally, that is hardly a low position. By purchasing power parity, its GDP ranks 18th.

Although GDP per capita remains around 100th place, it is difficult to describe Egypt as a backward country if one considers the overall scale of its economy and its role within the African region.

It is also problematic to compare ancient Egypt directly with Egypt today. Thousands of years lie between the two. To link the two periods in a simple and direct way is unrealistic.

If the same logic were applied to the Korean Peninsula, one could ask: "Residents of Ganghwa Island used to be so good at making dolmens. Why don't they make them now?" The absurdity of that question is obvious.

When we ignore the scale of historical time, we end up asking the wrong question. The issue we should really consider may not be, "Why is Egypt no longer what it once was?" It may instead be, "Why have we come to ask that question in the first place?"

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Park Su-ryon

The author is the deputy editor of Content Division Three and the head of corporate research at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The United States has finally drawn the Section 301 card under its trade law. The measure allows Washington to impose retaliatory tariffs if it determines that foreign governments are pursuing unreasonable or discriminatory policies that restrict U.S. trade.

The Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) has placed several allies, including Korea, Japan and the European Union, on its investigation list. The move signals that the issue goes beyond traditional tariff disputes.

The key lies in a line stating that the USTR will also examine digital services transactions. In effect, Washington is indicating that it may challenge regulations requiring greater responsibility from large American technology platforms.

U.S. companies have long argued that Korea's proposed online platform law and network usage fees, as well as the European Union's Digital Services Act, function as nontariff barriers.

American technology firms are now closely aligned with the Trump administration's emphasis on defending "American interests." Nvidia has agreed to share part of the revenue from certain chips sold in China with the U.S. government as a fee, while Intel has accepted the U.S. government as a shareholder.

Some companies appear willing to go further. Amazon spent $75 million producing a documentary about First Lady Melania Trump, raising questions about whether corporate actions sometimes serve the interests of the Trump family rather than broader national priorities.

In return, the U.S. government has moved to remove obstacles that might hinder these companies' commercial activities or their access to data needed for AI services.

According to Reuters, the U.S. State Department recently instructed American ambassadors to respond actively to foreign efforts to strengthen data sovereignty or impose data localization rules. Washington has also criticized Europe's Digital Services Act as a threat to freedom of expression.

At the same time, critics note that the United States has shown little concern about problems arising from American generative AI services, including the creation of child sexual exploitation images. While Washington frames the dispute as a cultural conflict, the underlying issue appears to be protecting the interests of U.S. technology firms.

Coupang has also tried to present itself as a U.S. company deserving Washington's protection. Beyond donations to American presidents and members of Congress and cultivating connections with figures close to Trump, the company's recent actions have drawn attention.

After a leak of customer data caused by management failures, Coupang attempted to frame the issue as a bilateral trade matter between Korea and the United States. The company's American chief executive gave limited answers in Korea's National Assembly but voluntarily appeared before the U.S. House of Representatives to present his position.

Investment firms connected to Coupang's headquarters have also petitioned the USTR to apply Section 301 of the U.S. Trade Act against Korea.

Critics note that these actors have remained silent about other issues surrounding the company, including fatal accidents involving warehouse workers and special regulatory treatment granted under the previous Korean administration.

The broader concern is that cases like Coupang's may become more common.

Lee Ju-hyung, a professor of international trade law at the University of Seoul Law School, says more U.S. technology companies may try to use Washington's focus on digital regulation as a nontariff barrier to advance their interests.

Pressure on Korea's data sovereignty could intensify as American firms seek to shape the rules governing the emerging artificial intelligence industry.

Recent events suggest such pressure is already affecting policy decisions. The Korean government recently approved Google's long-de...

Cho Yoon-je

The author is a special appointment professor at the Graduate School of Economics at Yonsei University.

In the presidential election of October 1963, opposition candidate Yoon Bo-sun won 4,546,614 votes, or 45.1 percent, narrowly losing to Park Chung Hee, who had decided to end military rule and run for civilian leadership. Park received 4,702,640 votes, or 46.65 percent — a margin of about 166,000 votes.

At the time, senior Christian leaders urged Byun Young-tae, a former foreign minister, to withdraw from the race. Believing in his popularity, Byun refused and completed the campaign, ultimately receiving about 224,000 votes. Most of those votes had been expected to go to the opposition camp. History does not allow for hypotheticals, but one cannot help but wonder how South Korea's history might have unfolded had Byun withdrawn.

Park was 46 years old at the time, nearly 20 years younger than Yoon. Yoon came from a traditional yangban family, the ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), while Park was born into a poor farming household in Gumi, North Gyeongsang.

What happened after that election is well-known.

One may ask similar questions about our more recent history. What if Lee In-je had withdrawn from the 1997 presidential race? What if Sim Sang-jung had stepped aside in the 2022 election? History is often shaped by such small decisions.

Water could have flowed in several possible directions, but it somehow followed a certain path to form the streams and rivers that eventually defined the terrain that we know today. Looking back, we may call this sort of movement destiny, or perhaps the inevitable result of the collective choices of a people shaped by their era and circumstances.

Those currents of decisions accumulate and carry us to the present. Even today, events are unfolding that future historians may revisit with similar questions of "what if."

Over the past 70 years, South Korea has achieved a form of compressed growth rarely seen in world history. The transformation has extended beyond the economy to include the political and cultural. Was this remarkable success the product of an accident or necessity?

If the latter, one must point to the resilience and capability of the South Korean people.

In 1953, the French newspaper Le Monde described South Korea as "not a country but a vast refugee camp sustained by aid." In 1954, TIME Magazine called it "the most completely destroyed country in the history of mankind." But our nation rose from the ashes of war.

In 1979, when the second oil shock struck and President Park Chung Hee was assassinated, political turmoil and economic crisis shook the country. Foreign correspondents predicted that South Korea would enter a period of stagnation. Instead, the government stabilized the economy through measures such as freezing the national budget and wages, and the country eventually successfully hosted the 1988 Seoul Olympics.

When the 1997 Asian financial crisis erupted, the International Herald Tribune wrote that South Korea had been reduced to an international beggar. But through a nationwide campaign to donate personal gold and sweeping corporate and financial restructuring, the country recovered and moved forward again.

Still, observing the divisions and political debates of today, one cannot avoid asking whether the past seven decades of success were inevitable or accidental.

The conservative opposition appears to have lost its sense of direction. The progressive ruling party often seems insufficiently reflective, given the power it holds. What appears generally lacking in South Korea's system of governance is a long-term perspective and a culture of rational deliberation.

Unlike many Western countries, the divide between South Korea's progressive and conservative camps has not primarily emerged from differences in values or policy goals. Instead, it has been shaped largely by differing views of the country's past political systems and its relationshi...

The government has decided to introduce a ceiling on petroleum prices starting Friday. It marks the first direct intervention in the oil market since Korea liberalized fuel prices in 1997, nearly three decades ago. Setting a price cap is an especially strong measure, one rarely used outside the oil shocks of the 1970s and 1980s.

The policy aims to ease inflationary pressure and reduce burdens on households as global oil prices surge. Yet it cannot serve as a fundamental solution. Given the significant side effects that may arise during implementation, the measure should remain strictly a short-term emergency step.

The proposal emerged only a week after President Lee Jae Myung instructed officials during a Cabinet meeting to examine the possibility. Extraordinary circumstances may indeed require extraordinary measures. Still, it is unclear whether the government carefully reviewed the advantages and risks of all available policy tools before choosing what has traditionally been considered a last resort.

Previous administrations typically responded to oil price volatility with measures such as fuel tax cuts, subsidies for vulnerable groups or releases from strategic reserves. Direct price controls can deliver immediate relief but they often bring serious distortions as well.

One immediate concern is the potential misallocation of resources. Artificially suppressing prices may weaken incentives to conserve energy during a supply shock. Demand could remain high even in times of scarcity while supply might contract as producers face lower returns.

The financial consequences are another issue. Losses incurred by refiners under a price cap would ultimately need to be compensated by government funds. If the policy continues for an extended period, fiscal burdens could grow.

Such a system may also raise fairness concerns. Large vehicles that consume more fuel would effectively receive greater subsidies, potentially benefiting higher-income drivers more than others.

There are also strategic considerations. With no clear indication of how long global oil prices may remain unstable, deploying such a powerful policy tool too early could limit the government's options later. Once price intervention becomes an accepted response, similar demands could recur whenever oil prices fluctuate.

Since the government has already decided to implement the price ceiling, minimizing its side effects must become a priority. Detailed monitoring will be required along with a clear exit strategy.

At the same time policymakers should prepare for the possibility that energy market instability may persist. Encouraging the use of public transportation and other demand management measures could help reduce consumption.

Structural responses must also accelerate. Expanding alternative energy supply sources and strengthening long-term energy security will be essential if Korea hopes to avoid repeated reliance on emergency interventions.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Park Eun-jee, Jin Min-ji and read by an artificial voice.

The Korean government will implement an initial cap on fuel supply prices starting Friday and limit exports of gasoline and diesel as the country, heavily dependent on oil imports through the Strait of Hormuz, scrambles to rein in soaring energy prices.

The ceiling for gasoline will be set at 1,724 won per liter ($4.42 per gallon), while that for diesel will be at 1,713 won and kerosene at 1,320 won for the upcoming two weeks, according to the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resource.

The cap will be calculated every two weeks by multiplying the weekly average base price by an adjustment rate reflecting changes in international oil product prices, and then adding applicable taxes.

But given that the cap will be applied to the supply price — the average price at which refiners sell fuel to gas stations and distributors — rather than retail pump prices, it remains unclear how effective the measure will be.

"We excluded retail prices because the prices of gas stations vary widely not only by region but also among stations within the same area due to differences in operating models, rent and other costs, making uniform regulation difficult," said Yang Ghi-wuk, director-general for the Trade, Industry and Resource Security division at the ministry.

"Instead of imposing a blanket cap on retail prices, the government will apply the measure to supply prices and monitor gas stations through other oversight measures," he said, adding that the ministry is mulling publicly disclosing gas stations that post the largest margin increases from a year earlier.

Yang went on to note that the government will compensate refiners for losses generated by the cap.

Some experts warned that the measure may not be sufficient for consumers to feel a meaningful impact.

"The policy could end up simply altering gas station margins. Ultimately, the goal should be to stabilize market prices, but this would effectively leave the outcome up to gas stations' discretion," said Lee Yoon-soo, professor at Seoul National University Graduate School of International Studies.

"There is a strong possibility that the policy could create more negative effects than positive ones. If the government compensates refiners for losses using tax revenue, it could become a policy in which taxpayers end up footing the bill without necessarily benefiting from it," Lee said.

Even if the government does fund the policy, it could increase inflationary pressures.

"Rising oil prices affect a wide range of upstream and downstream industries, from refiners and airlines to logistics and retail. When logistics costs increase, concerns about broader inflation also grow," said Kim Sang-bong, professor of economics at Hansung University.

"But if fiscal measures such as subsidies or fuel tax support are implemented in such a situation, they could further drive up inflation," Kim said.

Another important pillar of the measure is to restrict domestic oil refiners from excessively increasing exports to take advantage of the price differences between domestic and international markets for products subject to the price cap.

The ministry will limit their exports to 100 percent of the volume exported during the same period in 2025.

Korea depends heavily upon the Middle East for roughly 70 percent of its crude oil imports, and nearly 99 percent of the region's shipments bound for Korea pass through the choked-off Strait of Hormuz.

Korea currently holds oil reserves equivalent to about seven months of supply. However, that cushion has also been depleting quickly as the country decided to release a record amount of its oil reserves in line with an agreement among International Energy Agency (IEA) members to stabilize global oil markets rattled by the Iran war.

Under the agreement, Korea plans to unleash 22.46 million barrels of oil from its reserves, the Industry Ministry said late Wednesday, following the IEA's decision to ...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

Korea approved a special law on a $350 billion U.S. investment on Thursday, clearing the way for the pledge promised during tariff negotiations with Washington last year, removing the immediate threat of tariff hikes warned by U.S. President Donald Trump.

Still, uncertainty quickly resurfaced after the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) on the same day announced that it would open a probe into Korea's potential unfair policies against the United States under Section 301 of its trade law which has no ceiling on tariff rates and sectors.

Korea's National Assembly passed the so-called Special Act on Investment in the United States during a plenary session on Thursday with 242 lawmakers present, 226 voted in favor, eight opposed and eight abstained.

The law includes provisions to establish a new entity so-called the Korea-U.S. Strategic Investment Corporation, to oversee and implement the investment program. The passage comes about three and a half months after the two countries reached a consensus on $350 billion in investment in November in exchange for lowering tariffs from 25 percent to 15 percent.

$350 billion investment plan sealed

Under Korea's plan, $150 billion will be dedicated to a shipbuilding project, while $200 billion will be invested in sectors aimed at strengthening the economic and national security interests of both countries.

The newly created entity will be launched with 2 trillion won ($1.5 billion) in capital fully funded by the government, while the timing and method of additional capital injections will be determined by presidential decree.

Investments will be capped at $20 billion per year, and any adjustments to the amount or timing must be made in consultation with the United States.

Investment targets will be selected jointly by the new entity and Korea's Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources, subject to final approval by a Korea–U.S. joint consultative committee composed of representatives from both countries.

"The passage of the special law establishes the institutional and legal foundation to implement the Korea–U.S. tariff agreement," President Lee Jae Myung wrote on Facebook. "The government will also ensure that preparations and follow-up measures for implementing the law proceed without disruption."

The government must submit an annual report to the National Assembly detailing the management and operation of the fund and report potential U.S. investment projects in advance. Investment information will be disclosed in principle, except in cases involving national security or corporate trade secrets.

The law also includes the creation of a risk management committee to oversee potential investment risks.

With the legislation now passed, the additional tariffs on Korean goods previously threatened by the Trump administration are expected to be withdrawn. Trump previously had warned that tariffs against Korea could be reset to 25 percent, citing its delay of the legislation.

Energy poised to lead 1st project

Energy projects like liquefied natural gas (LNG) and nuclear power are widely expected to form the first tranche of Korea's U.S. investment under the $350 billion framework.

While overseas investment decisions typically take time, projects could potentially be fast-tracked as early as this month amid looming pressure from Trump, especially after Japan already announced its large-scale first project in sectors of gas, oil and raw materials.

The most likely candidate is an LNG export terminal project in Louisiana, proposed by the U.S. government and valued at over $10 billion, which the Korean government is currently reviewing for feasibility.

The proposal is not necessarily unfavorable for Korea as securing long-term LNG supplies could help reduce Korea's dependence on Middle Eastern energy imports. Korean shipbuilding and engineering could also benefit from joining the construction, while exports of stee...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Creating a box office hit, especially one that draws over 10 million moviegoers, is no easy feat, even for a major production company. And for a relatively new player in the field, the odds are even slimmer.

Yet, that seemingly implausible story has become true for Onda Works, the budding production company behind "The King's Warden," which surpassed 12 million ticket admissions as of Wednesday.

Lim Eun-jung, the CEO of Onda Works, said during a roundtable interview at a cafe in central Seoul on Wednesday that she is "still in awe" of the film's unexpected success.

Onda Works was established in 2023, and "The King's Warden" is its first film. Lim previously spent over a decade at CJ ENM, where she worked in film development, production and investment, before launching Onda Works.

The film's success has breathed new life into the Korean film industry, which has struggled to recover since the Covid-19 pandemic. Lim said that she is just happy to have played a part in reviving cinema in the country, adding that she has received endless messages of congratulations and thanks from filmmakers and industry insiders alike.

"We did have a certain audience number in mind, but we never expected the film to become this big of a hit," Lim said. "I'm just proud that the film seems to have given some hope for everyone at a time when people were questioning whether another film that reaches an audience of 10 million people could ever be seen again."

Directed by Chang Hang-jun, the historical period film "The King's Warden" is set in 1457 — the year King Dangjong (r. 1452-1455) died — and follows Eom Heung-do, the chief of a poor rural village. Eom voluntarily invites a high-ranking exile in hopes of reviving his community, and later discovers that the exile is in fact the dethroned king. The film centers on the evolving relationship and mutual growth between Eom and the exiled monarch.

The film stars veteran actor Yoo Hai-jin as Eom, and former boy band Wanna One's Park Ji-hoon as King Danjong, alongside seasoned actors Yoo Ji-tae and Jeon Mi-do.

Because of the high-profile and experienced cast, Lim said that when she first heard who had joined the film, she felt as if she had "won a gold medal."

Lim was also the one who strongly backed Park for the role of King Danjong, revealing that she had been keeping an eye on him since his idol days. Park first gained public recognition through the K-pop audition show "Produce 101" (2016-17), landing in second place and debuting as a member of Wanna One, the project group formed through the show.

Lim admitted that she had some reservations about whether Park would be able to build chemistry with his costars, most of whom were veteran actors, as he had often worked alongside people around his age. However, she said after witnessing his passion for acting and the way he connected with the cast, her perspective changed.

"At some point, I started telling him, 'Ji-hoon, I trust you,' whereas before I would ask, 'Ji-hoon, are you okay?'" she said.

Despite the historical film being one of the biggest box office successes in years for the Korean film industry, it has not been without criticism, most notably for its awkwardly rendered CGI tigers, with many viewers finding them distracting.

The film's distributor, Showbox, announced on Wednesday that the tigers would be improved. Lim also addressed the issue, acknowledging its shortcomings.

"It's true that there were things we should have done better," she said. "But because so many people talked about it, we were given the chance to fix it. As a producer, I think that's actually quite fortunate."

However, she said that whether the newly rendered tigers will be added during the film's theatrical run is still under discussion.

The film has also recently faced a plagiarism allegation, which Lim strongly denied, emphasizing that she has been involved in the project since its earliest planning stages...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Creating a box office hit, especially one that draws over 10 million moviegoers, is no easy feat, even for a major production company. And for a relatively new player in the field, the odds are even slimmer.

Yet, that seemingly implausible story has become true for Onda Works, the budding production company behind "The King's Warden," which surpassed 12 million ticket admissions as of Wednesday.

Lim Eun-jung, the CEO of Onda Works, said during a roundtable interview at a cafe in central Seoul on Wednesday that she is "still in awe" of the film's unexpected success.

Onda Works was established in 2023, and "The King's Warden" is its first film. Lim previously spent over a decade at CJ ENM, where she worked in film development, production and investment, before launching Onda Works.

The film's success has breathed new life into the Korean film industry, which has struggled to recover since the Covid-19 pandemic. Lim said that she is just happy to have played a part in reviving cinema in the country, adding that she has received endless messages of congratulations and thanks from filmmakers and industry insiders alike.

"We did have a certain audience number in mind, but we never expected the film to become this big of a hit," Lim said. "I'm just proud that the film seems to have given some hope for everyone at a time when people were questioning whether another film that reaches an audience of 10 million people could ever be seen again."

Directed by Chang Hang-jun, the historical period film "The King's Warden" is set in 1457 — the year King Dangjong (r. 1452-1455) died — and follows Eom Heung-do, the chief of a poor rural village. Eom voluntarily invites a high-ranking exile in hopes of reviving his community, and later discovers that the exile is in fact the dethroned king. The film centers on the evolving relationship and mutual growth between Eom and the exiled monarch.

The film stars veteran actor Yoo Hai-jin as Eom, and former boy band Wanna One's Park Ji-hoon as King Danjong, alongside seasoned actors Yoo Ji-tae and Jeon Mi-do.

Because of the high-profile and experienced cast, Lim said that when she first heard who had joined the film, she felt as if she had "won a gold medal."

Lim was also the one who strongly backed Park for the role of King Danjong, revealing that she had been keeping an eye on him since his idol days. Park first gained public recognition through the K-pop audition show "Produce 101" (2016-17), landing in second place and debuting as a member of Wanna One, the project group formed through the show.

Lim admitted that she had some reservations about whether Park would be able to build chemistry with his costars, most of whom were veteran actors, as he had often worked alongside people around his age. However, she said after witnessing his passion for acting and the way he connected with the cast, her perspective changed.

"At some point, I started telling him, 'Ji-hoon, I trust you,' whereas before I would ask, 'Ji-hoon, are you okay?'" she said.

Despite the historical film being one of the biggest box office successes in years for the Korean film industry, it has not been without criticism, most notably for its awkwardly rendered CGI tigers, with many viewers finding them distracting.

The film's distributor, Showbox, announced on Wednesday that the tigers would be improved. Lim also addressed the issue, acknowledging its shortcomings.

"It's true that there were things we should have done better," she said. "But because so many people talked about it, we were given the chance to fix it. As a producer, I think that's actually quite fortunate."

However, she said that whether the newly rendered tigers will be added during the film's theatrical run is still under discussion.

The film has also recently faced a plagiarism allegation, which Lim strongly denied, emphasizing that she has been involved in the project since its earliest planning stages...