Leftist Reading

Episode 69:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - 9]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10 - 13]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14 - This week]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness
-Fifth reading - 00:36

[Part 15-18?]
On National Culture

[Part 19?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 20?]
Series A

[Part 21?]
Series B

[Part 22?]
Series C

[Part 23?]
Series D

[Part 24?]
Conclusion

Episode 68:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - 9]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10 - 12]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 13 - This week]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness
-Fourth reading - 00:51

[Part 14]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 15-18?]
On National Culture

[Part 19?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 20?]
Series A

[Part 21?]
Series B

[Part 22?]
Series C

[Part 23?]
Series D

[Part 24?]
Conclusion

Episode 67:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - 9]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10 - 11]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 12 - This week]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness
-Third reading - 00:33

[Part 13?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Episode 66:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - 9]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 11 - This week]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness
-Second reading - 00:46

[Part 12-13?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Episode 65:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - 9]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10 - This week]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness
-First reading - 00:25

[Part 11-13?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Footnotes:

1) 18:55
Mamadou Dia, Nations africaines et solidarity mondial, p. 140.

2) 21:47
Mamadou Dia, op. cit.

Episode 64:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - 8]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 9 - This week]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness
-Third reading - 00:33
-Discussion - 27:16

[Part 10-13?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Episode 63:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 8 - This week]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness
-Second reading - 01:01

[Part 9]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10-13?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Footnotes:
1) 25:51
This was written in 1961. —Trans

Episode 62:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 7 - This Week]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness
-First reading - 00:19

[Part 8-9?]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 10-13?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 14-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Episode 61:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-5]
Concerning Violence

[Part 6 - This week]
Violence in the International Context
- Reading - 00:38
- Chapter Summary - 21:07

[Part 7-10?]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 11-14?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 15-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Footnotes:
15) 4:37
In the present international context, capitalism does not merely operate an economic blockade against African or Asiatic colonies. The United States with its anti-Castro operations is opening a new chapter in the long story of man's toiling advance toward freedom. Latin America, made up of new independent countries which sit at the United Nations and raise the wind there, ought to be an object lesson for Africa. These former colonies since their liberation have suffered the brazenfaced rule of Western capitalism in terror and destitution.
The liberation of Africa and the growth of consciousness among mankind have made it possible for the Latin American peoples to break with the old merry-go-round of dictatorships where each suc­ceeding regime exactly resembled the preceding one. Castro took over power in Cuba, and gave it to the people. This heresy is felt to be a national scourge by the Yankees, and the United States now organizes counterrevolutionary brigades, puts together a provisional government, bums the sugar-cane crops, and generally has decided to strangle the Cuban people mercilessly. But this will be difficult. The people of Cuba will surfer, but they will conquer. The Brazilian president Janio Quadras has just announced in a declaration of his­toric importance that his country will defend the Cuban Revolution by all means. Perhaps even the United States may draw back when faced with the declared will of the peoples. When that day comes, we'll hang out the flags, for it will be a decisive moment for the men and women of the whole world. The almighty dollar, which when all is said or done is only guaranteed by slaves scattered all over the globe, in the oil wells of the Middle East, the mines of Peru or of the Congo, and the United Fruit or Firestone plantations, will then cease to dominate with all its force these slaves which it has created and who continue, empty-headed and empty-bellied, to feed it from their substance.

16) 10:55
Certain countries which have benefitted by a large European set­tlement come to independence with houses and wide streets, and these tend to forget the poverty-stricken, starving hinterland. By the irony of fate, they give the impression by a kind of complicit silence that their towns are contemporaneous with independence.

17) 12:28
It is true that Germany has not paid all her reparations. The indemnities imposed on the vanquished nation have not been claimed in full, for the injured nations have included Germany in their anti-communist system of defense. This same preoccupation is the permanent motivation of the colonialist countries when they try to obtain from their former colonies, if not their inclusion in the Western system, at least military bases and enclaves. On the other hand they have decided unanimously to forget their demands for the sake of NATO strategy and to preserve the free world; and we have seen Germany receiving floods of dollars and machines. A Germany once more standing on its feet, strong and powerful, was a necessity for the Western camp. It was in the understood interests of so-called free Europe to have a prosperous and reconstructed Germany which would be capable of serving as a first rampart against the eventual Red hordes. Germany has made admirable use of the European criss. At the same time the United States and other European states feel a legitimate bitterness when confronted with this Germany, yesterday at their feet, which today metes out to them cutthroat competition in the economic field.

18) 14:41
"To make a radical difference between the building up of social­ism in Europe and our relations with the Third World (as if our only relations with it were external ones) is, whether we know it or not, to set the pace for the distribution of the colonial inheritance over and above the liberation of the underdeveloped countries. It is to wish to build up a luxury socialism upon the fruits of imperialist robbery—as if, inside the gang, the swag is more or less shared out equally, and even a little of it is given to the poor in the form of charity, since it's been forgotten that they were the people it was stolen from." Marcel Peju, "To die for De Gaulle?" Temps Modernes, No. 175-6, October-November 1960.

Episode 60:

This week we’re continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
The full book is available online here:
https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf

[Part 1-4]
Concerning Violence

[Part 5 - This week]
Concerning Violence
- Fifth reading - 0:49

[Part 6-7?]
Violence in the International Context

[Part 8-10?]
Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness

[Part 11-14?]
The Pitfalls of National Consciousness

[Part 15-17?]
On National Culture

[Part 18?]
Colonial War and Mental Disorders

[Part 19?]
Series A

[Part 20?]
Series B

[Part 21?]
Series C

[Part 22?]
Series D

[Part 23?]
Conclusion

Footnotes:
9) 02:18
This refers to Mirabeau's famous saying: "I am here by the will of the People; I shall leave only by the force of bayonets." —Trans.

10) 03:07
It is evident that this vacuum cleaning destroys the very thing that they want to preserve. Sartre points this out when he says: "In short by the very fact of repeating them [concerning racist ideas] it is revealed that the simultaneous union of all against the natives is unrealizable. Such union only recurs from time to time and more­over it can only come into being as an active groupment in order to massacre the natives — an absurd though perpetual temptation to the settlers, which even if it was feasible would only succeed in abolishing colonization at one blow." (Critique de la Ration Dialectique, p. 346.)

11) 09:23
Aimé Césaire, Les Armes Miraculeuses (Et les chiens se taiscient), pp. 133—37.

12) 11:41
Temporary village for the use of shepherds.—Trans.

13) 12:38
We must go back to this period in order to judge the importance of this decision on the part of the French government in Algeria. Thus we may read in "Resistance Algérienne," No. 4, dated 28th March 1957, the following:

"In reply to the wish expressed by the General Assembly of the United Nations, the French Government has now decided to create urban militias in Algeria. 'Enough blood has been spilled' was what the United Nations said; Lacoste replies 'Let us form militias.' 'Cease fire,' advised UNO; Lacoste vociferates, 'We must arm the civilians.' Whereas the two parties face-to-face with each other were on the recommendation of the United Nations invited to contact each other with a view to coming to an agreement and finding a peaceful and democratic solution, Lacoste decrees that henceforward every European will be armed and should open fire on any person who seems to him suspect. It was then agreed (in the Assembly) that savage and iniquitous repression verging on genocide ought at all costs to be opposed by the authorities: but Lacoste replies 'Let us systematize the repression and organize the Algerian manhunt.' And, symbolically, he entrusts the military with civil powers, and gives military powers to civilians. The ring is closed. In the middle, the Algerian, disarmed, famished, tracked down, jostled, struck, lynched, will soon be slaughtered as a suspect. Today, in Algeria, there is not a single Frenchman who is not authorized and even invited to use his weapons. There is not a single Frenchman, in Algeria, one month after the appeal for calm made by UNO, who is not permitted, and obliged to search out, investigate and pursue suspects.

"One month after the vote on the final motion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, there is not one European in Algeria who is not party to the most frightful work of extermination of modem times. A democratic solution? Right, Lacoste concedes; let's begin by exterminating the Algerians, and to do that, let's arm the civilians and give them carte blanche. The Paris press, on the whole, has welcomed the creation of these armed groups with reserve. Fascist militias, they've been called. Yes; but on the individual level, on the plane of human rights, what is facism if not colonialism when rooted in a traditionally colonialist country? The opinion has been advanced that they are systematically legalized and commended; but does not the body of Algeria bear for the last one hundred and thirty years wounds which gape still wider, more numerous and more deep-seated than ever? 'Take care,' advises Monsieur Kenne-Vignes, member of parliament for the MRP, 'do we not by the creation of these militias risk seeing the gap widen between the two communities in Algeria?' Yes; but is not colonial status simply the organized reduction to slavery of a whole people? The Algerian revolution is precisely the affirmed contestation of that slavery and that abyss. The Algerian revolution speaks to the occupying nation and says: 'Take your fangs out of the bleeding flesh of Algeria! Let the people of Algeria speak!'

"The creation of militias, they say, will lighten the tasks of the Army. It will free certain units whose mission will be to protect the Moroccan and Tunisian borders. In Algeria, the Army is six hundred thousand strong. Almost all the Navy and the Air Force are based there. There is an enormous, speedy police force with a horribly good record since it has absorbed the ex-torturers from Morocco and Tunisia. The territorial units are one hundred thousand strong. The task of the Army, all the same, must be lightened. So let us create urban militias. The fact remains that the hysterical and criminal frenzy of Lacoste imposes them even on clearsighted French people. The truth is that the creation of militias carries its contradiction even in its justification. The task of the French Army is neverending. Consequently, when it is given as an objective the gagging of the Algerian people, the door is closed on the future forever. Above all, it is forbidden to analyze, to understand, or to measure the depth and the density of the Algerian revolution: departmental leaders, housing-estate leaders, street leaders, house leaders, leaders who control each landing . . . Today, to the surface checker-board is added an underground network.

"In 48 hours two thousand volunteers were enrolled. The Europeans of Algeria responded immediately to Lacoste's call to kill. From now on, each European must check up on all surviving Algerians in his sector; and in addition he will be responsible for information, for a 'quick response' to acts of terrorism, for the detection of suspects, for the liquidation of runaways and for the reinforcement of police services. Certainly, the tasks of the Army must be lightened. Today, to the surface mopping-up is added a deeper harrowing. Today, to the killing which is all in the day's work is added planified murder. 'Stop the bloodshed,' was the advice given by UNO. "The best way of doing this,' replied Lacoste, 'is to make sure there remains no blood to shed.' The Algerian people, after having been delivered up to Massu's hordes, is put under the protection of the urban militias. By his decision to create these militias, Lacoste shows quite plainly that he will brook ho interference with HIS war. It is a proof that there are no limits once the rot has set in. True, he is at the moment a prisoner of the situation; but what a consolation to drag everyone down in one's fall!

"After each of these decisions, the Algerian people tense their muscles still more and fight still harder. After each of these organized, deliberately sought after assassinations, the Algerian people builds up its awareness of self, and consolidates its resistance. Yes; the tasks of the French Army are infinite: for oh, how infinite is the unity of the people of Algerial"

14) 13:13
This is why there are no prisoners when the fighting first starts. It is only through educating the local leaders politically that those at the head of the movement can make the masses accept 1) that people coming from the mother country do not always act of their own free will and are sometimes even disgusted by the war; 2) that it is of immediate advantage to the movement that its supporters should show by their actions that they respect certain international conventions; 3) that an army which takes prisoners is an army, and ceases to be considered as a group of wayside bandits; 4) that what­ever the circumstances, the possession of prisoners constitutes a means of exerting pressure which must not be overlooked in order to protect our men who are in enemy hands.