The Epstein Chronicles

French authorities had been investigating Jeffrey Epstein’s network for years, beginning in August 2019 when the Paris prosecutor’s office opened a preliminary investigation into allegations of rape, sexual assault of minors and criminal conspiracy. The inquiry was designed to examine crimes allegedly committed on French soil as well as offenses involving French victims or French participants abroad, and investigators quickly focused on Epstein’s extensive presence in Paris and his relationship with French modeling agent Jean-Luc Brunel. Epstein maintained a residence on Avenue Foch in Paris, traveled frequently to France and had deep connections to the modeling world, while Brunel was accused by multiple women of sexually assaulting them and of helping recruit young women for Epstein. French investigators interviewed alleged victims, searched properties and examined the broader recruitment network surrounding Epstein. Brunel was arrested in December 2020 and charged with offenses including the rape of a minor and sexual harassment before dying in a Paris jail in February 2022. Although Ghislaine Maxwell was prosecuted and convicted in the United States, her role as Epstein’s recruiter and facilitator remained part of the broader network French investigators were attempting to reconstruct.

The French investigation did not simply disappear with the deaths of Epstein and Brunel. After the original judicial proceeding was closed in 2023 following Brunel’s death, the enormous release of Epstein-related records in the United States prompted French prosecutors to reopen and substantially broaden their examination of the case in 2026. Paris prosecutors announced new investigations into human trafficking as well as possible financial crimes including money laundering, tax fraud and breaches of public integrity, while ordering a comprehensive reanalysis of evidence gathered during the earlier investigation. Authorities were now able to compare years of French witness testimony and investigative material with millions of newly released American records, including evidence involving Epstein’s activities in Paris and Saint-Tropez, his relationships with recruiters and associates, and the international movement of young women through the network. The result was that France had been investigating the French side of the Epstein-Maxwell operation since 2019, with interruptions and serious questions about the pace of the inquiry, but the investigation had ultimately expanded rather than disappeared as new evidence became available.


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In 2003, Jeffrey Epstein and Harvey Weinstein joined forces with a small group of high-powered figures, including Michael Wolff and Mortimer Zuckerman, in a bid to purchase New York Magazine. The group submitted a multimillion-dollar offer in hopes of seizing editorial control and rebranding themselves as major players in the media world. Although their bid ultimately failed—coming in second-lowest—the attempt reflected Epstein’s broader interest in media ownership and narrative control. Not long after, he partnered again with Zuckerman to invest millions into another venture, Radar magazine, which fizzled out after only a few issues.

What makes this story particularly disturbing is not the failure of the deal, but what it represented: two disgraced men with a history of predation trying to buy a platform that shapes public opinion. Epstein and Weinstein weren’t just looking for financial investment—they were seeking cultural legitimacy and a shield from scrutiny. The attempted acquisition of a reputable magazine was a calculated move to soften their images and possibly bury or spin the stories that could one day undo them. It’s a stark example of how the powerful use media not just to shape markets, but to rewrite their own sins.


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source:

https://www.businessinsider.com/jeffrey-epstein-media-connections-weinstein-career-2019-7

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Ghislaine Maxwell’s trial was originally scheduled to begin on July 12, 2021, but that timetable changed after federal prosecutors filed a superseding indictment on March 29 that added new sex-trafficking charges and expanded the alleged conspiracy through 2004. Maxwell’s lawyers argued that the late addition dramatically increased the amount of evidence they had to review and changed the scope of the case only a few months before trial. They accused prosecutors of unfairly expanding the prosecution at the last minute and asked Judge Alison Nathan to postpone the proceedings until at least November, and potentially into 2022. Nathan agreed that some delay was justified, noting both the new charges and the complications created by COVID-era restrictions on trial preparation, but she made clear that she did not want the case pushed back any longer than necessary. On May 3, 2021, she formally adjourned the July trial date and ordered the parties to propose the earliest realistic alternative.

The court ultimately set November 29, 2021, as the new trial date, with jury selection scheduled to begin earlier that month. Nathan found that the additional time was necessary to allow Maxwell’s defense to review discovery connected to the superseding indictment, prepare motions, examine pretrial disclosures and otherwise get ready for trial. The delay therefore was not the result of the case collapsing or prosecutors backing away; it was a direct consequence of the government expanding the indictment relatively late in the process and the defense insisting that it needed more time to respond. Maxwell remained jailed throughout the postponement, and her lawyers continued arguing that the conditions of her confinement made trial preparation more difficult. By the time opening statements began on November 29, the case that went before the jury was broader than the one Maxwell had originally expected to face in July, with the new sex-trafficking count becoming one of the central charges against her.



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Day four of Tyler Robinson’s preliminary hearing, held July 9, centered on some of the prosecution’s most consequential evidence yet, including a recorded interview with Robinson’s former roommate and romantic partner, Lance Twiggs. In the interview, Twiggs described Robinson’s behavior after Charlie Kirk was killed and authenticated text exchanges in which Robinson allegedly admitted responsibility for the shooting, discussed the rifle and expressed concern that investigators would find his DNA on it. Twiggs also said Robinson later confirmed the confession in person and expressed regret about what he had done. Prosecutors additionally introduced Robinson’s handwritten note to Twiggs, which allegedly said that he had an opportunity to “take out Charlie Kirk” and took it, although Judge Tony Graf quickly ordered the image removed after it was inadvertently displayed publicly. Twiggs also identified Robinson in surveillance images with varying degrees of certainty, telling investigators that some of the later photographs definitely appeared to show him.


The state also spent a significant portion of the day strengthening the forensic connection between Robinson and the physical evidence. Investigators testified that Robinson’s DNA was found on numerous portions of the rifle recovered near Utah Valley University, including the stock, grips, trigger area, bolt and barrel, as well as on ammunition associated with the weapon. An ATF analysis also linked a rotary engraving tool recovered from Robinson’s residence to markings found on cartridge cases, supporting the prosecution’s allegation that ammunition had been engraved before the shooting. At the same time, the forensic evidence was not absolute across the board: investigators could not conclusively determine that the bullet-jacket fragment recovered during Kirk’s autopsy had been fired from the recovered rifle. By the end of the fourth day, however, prosecutors had combined Robinson’s alleged admissions, Twiggs’ account, the handwritten note, surveillance evidence and extensive DNA testimony into their clearest presentation yet of why they believe Robinson was the shooter.







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Day four of Tyler Robinson’s preliminary hearing, held July 9, centered on some of the prosecution’s most consequential evidence yet, including a recorded interview with Robinson’s former roommate and romantic partner, Lance Twiggs. In the interview, Twiggs described Robinson’s behavior after Charlie Kirk was killed and authenticated text exchanges in which Robinson allegedly admitted responsibility for the shooting, discussed the rifle and expressed concern that investigators would find his DNA on it. Twiggs also said Robinson later confirmed the confession in person and expressed regret about what he had done. Prosecutors additionally introduced Robinson’s handwritten note to Twiggs, which allegedly said that he had an opportunity to “take out Charlie Kirk” and took it, although Judge Tony Graf quickly ordered the image removed after it was inadvertently displayed publicly. Twiggs also identified Robinson in surveillance images with varying degrees of certainty, telling investigators that some of the later photographs definitely appeared to show him.


The state also spent a significant portion of the day strengthening the forensic connection between Robinson and the physical evidence. Investigators testified that Robinson’s DNA was found on numerous portions of the rifle recovered near Utah Valley University, including the stock, grips, trigger area, bolt and barrel, as well as on ammunition associated with the weapon. An ATF analysis also linked a rotary engraving tool recovered from Robinson’s residence to markings found on cartridge cases, supporting the prosecution’s allegation that ammunition had been engraved before the shooting. At the same time, the forensic evidence was not absolute across the board: investigators could not conclusively determine that the bullet-jacket fragment recovered during Kirk’s autopsy had been fired from the recovered rifle. By the end of the fourth day, however, prosecutors had combined Robinson’s alleged admissions, Twiggs’ account, the handwritten note, surveillance evidence and extensive DNA testimony into their clearest presentation yet of why they believe Robinson was the shooter.







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Jeffrey Epstein’s lawyers mounted a broad attack on the federal investigation, arguing that prosecutors had built their case on unreliable witness accounts, distorted police reports and evidence that the defense said had been taken out of context. They accused investigators of ignoring statements favorable to Epstein, mischaracterizing physical evidence and failing to reconcile later FBI reports with the original recorded interviews. The defense repeatedly challenged the credibility of individual accusers by pointing to inconsistencies, criminal histories, drug use and personal behavior, while arguing that some of the young women had represented themselves as being 18. Kenneth Starr and Jay Lefkowitz urged U.S. Attorney Alexander Acosta to personally review the underlying evidence rather than rely on the conclusions reached by investigators and line prosecutors, contending that the federal case was far weaker than prosecutors had portrayed it.

Epstein’s attorneys also argued that the federal government had improperly transformed what they characterized as a state prostitution matter into a much broader federal sex-trafficking investigation. They challenged the use of federal statutes involving interstate communications, enticement and money laundering, accused prosecutors of pushing for harsher punishment than Florida authorities originally contemplated, and objected to provisions of the Non-Prosecution Agreement that protected victims’ ability to pursue civil claims. The defense also resisted efforts to notify victims, involve them in Epstein’s sentencing and facilitate representation for possible lawsuits. Their larger argument was that federal prosecutors had exceeded the proper boundaries of the case and were interpreting the Non-Prosecution Agreement more aggressively than Epstein’s lawyers believed had been agreed upon, while insisting that they were not asking Acosta to cancel the deal itself.



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source:

EFTA00208923.pdf

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Jeffrey Epstein’s lawyers mounted a broad attack on the federal investigation, arguing that prosecutors had built their case on unreliable witness accounts, distorted police reports and evidence that the defense said had been taken out of context. They accused investigators of ignoring statements favorable to Epstein, mischaracterizing physical evidence and failing to reconcile later FBI reports with the original recorded interviews. The defense repeatedly challenged the credibility of individual accusers by pointing to inconsistencies, criminal histories, drug use and personal behavior, while arguing that some of the young women had represented themselves as being 18. Kenneth Starr and Jay Lefkowitz urged U.S. Attorney Alexander Acosta to personally review the underlying evidence rather than rely on the conclusions reached by investigators and line prosecutors, contending that the federal case was far weaker than prosecutors had portrayed it.

Epstein’s attorneys also argued that the federal government had improperly transformed what they characterized as a state prostitution matter into a much broader federal sex-trafficking investigation. They challenged the use of federal statutes involving interstate communications, enticement and money laundering, accused prosecutors of pushing for harsher punishment than Florida authorities originally contemplated, and objected to provisions of the Non-Prosecution Agreement that protected victims’ ability to pursue civil claims. The defense also resisted efforts to notify victims, involve them in Epstein’s sentencing and facilitate representation for possible lawsuits. Their larger argument was that federal prosecutors had exceeded the proper boundaries of the case and were interpreting the Non-Prosecution Agreement more aggressively than Epstein’s lawyers believed had been agreed upon, while insisting that they were not asking Acosta to cancel the deal itself.



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source:

EFTA00208923.pdf

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New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez and state Rep. Meredith Dixon announced two legislative proposals aimed at strengthening protections for human trafficking survivors and closing legal gaps exposed in part by the Jeffrey Epstein case. The proposed Trafficking Investigation and Meaningful Enforcement Act would eliminate the statute of limitations for sex-trafficking prosecutions, raise the age of protection to 18, increase criminal penalties—especially when children are involved—and expand what conduct qualifies as trafficking, including forcing someone to work off a debt. The bill would also broaden the offenses requiring sex-offender registration and mandate lifetime registration for people convicted of child prostitution crimes. One of the central motivations was the loophole that allowed Epstein to avoid registering as a sex offender in New Mexico despite his Florida conviction for procuring a minor for prostitution, largely because New Mexico law at the time defined protected victims more narrowly.

Dixon also proposed a constitutional Victims’ Rights Amendment that would give trafficking and sexual-abuse survivors greater control over how they participate in criminal cases. The amendment would expand privacy protections, broaden who qualifies as a survivor and allow victims to refuse interviews with defense attorneys; if they agreed to an interview, they could stop it at any time and have a support person present. Torrez framed the proposals as part of a broader effort to correct what he described as some of the weakest protections for sex-crime survivors in the country, particularly as New Mexico continues investigating Epstein’s activities at Zorro Ranch and the institutional failures surrounding him. The larger goal was to make sure the lessons of the Epstein case resulted in permanent changes to state law that would make prosecutions easier, close sex-offender registration loopholes and reduce the chances that survivors would be retraumatized by the justice system itself.


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source:

New Mexico AG, Dem lawmaker announce legislative proposals to empower human trafficking survivors • Source New Mexico


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Michigan Democrats resurfaced audio from a July 2025 interview in which Republican Michigan Senate candidate Mike Rogers argued that the government should be careful about releasing the names of people who appeared in Jeffrey Epstein’s flight records if there was no evidence they had participated in criminal activity. Rogers said someone could have flown with Epstein for a legitimate business reason and warned that simply publishing a name could destroy an innocent person’s reputation. He supported releasing information about what happened around Epstein’s island but opposed what he called a “big, big, ugly vote” in Congress to force disclosure, arguing that victims and uninvolved people both needed protection. Rogers also dismissed some of the pressure for disclosure as politically motivated, saying critics who wanted to go after Donald Trump would continue “beating this drum.” Michigan Democrats revived the comments just weeks before the 2026 election, portraying them as evidence that Rogers had been willing to limit Epstein transparency when the disclosures could affect Trump and others in Epstein’s orbit.

The controversy was intensified by campaign-finance records showing that at least seven people whose names appeared somewhere in the released Epstein records had contributed nearly $4.7 million since 2023 to Rogers, committees associated with him or outside groups supporting his Senate campaigns. More than $4.5 million of that total came from Blackstone CEO Stephen Schwarzman to a super PAC supporting Rogers, meaning the overwhelming majority was not money donated directly to Rogers’ campaign. Other donors included Ronald Lauder, John Catsimatidis, Joseph Baratta, Howard Lorber and John W. Childs. Appearing in Epstein records did not by itself establish criminal conduct or knowledge of Epstein’s crimes, and the nature of the references varied considerably. Politically, however, the combination gave Democrats an obvious line of attack: Rogers had argued for protecting some people named in the Epstein files from public exposure while his political operation was simultaneously benefiting from millions of dollars connected to donors whose names appeared in those same records.


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source:

Mike Rogers wanted Epstein plane passengers like Trump kept secret in resurfaced audio - Raw Story


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The Justice Department had been warned well in advance that its rushed handling of the Epstein files could expose victims. In July 2025, Sen. Dick Durbin disclosed information provided by a protected FBI whistleblower alleging that Attorney General Pam Bondi had pushed roughly 1,000 FBI personnel onto around-the-clock shifts to review approximately 100,000 Epstein-related records on an extremely short deadline. Hundreds of New York field office personnel were reportedly pulled into the effort even though many lacked experience identifying legally protected information concerning child victims and witnesses. At the same time, those personnel were allegedly instructed to flag records containing Donald Trump’s name. The warning about victim privacy was hardly isolated: attorneys representing Epstein survivors had written directly to Bondi as early as February 28, 2025, warning that victim identities were scattered throughout the files, offering DOJ their knowledge of more than 200 victims, and explicitly cautioning that careless redactions could have devastating consequences.

Those warnings proved prescient when DOJ’s January 30, 2026 mass release exposed information the department was legally required to protect. A subsequent review found the unredacted names of at least 43 Epstein victims, including more than two dozen who had been minors when they were abused, with some names appearing repeatedly throughout the searchable database. Other materials reportedly exposed addresses, identifying information and unredacted nude photographs, forcing survivors and their attorneys to scramble to identify documents and ask DOJ to remove or correct them after publication. The controversy was especially damaging to DOJ’s credibility because the department had repeatedly justified delays and redactions as necessary to protect victims, yet ultimately managed to conceal or heavily redact information involving numerous powerful people while failing at the one category of redaction Congress expressly required. Survivors later described harassment, threats and renewed trauma after their identities were exposed, turning what was supposed to be an exercise in Epstein transparency into another episode in which the people abused by Epstein were forced to absorb the consequences of government failure.


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source:

Trump's DOJ unmasked Epstein victims after ignoring FBI whistleblower’s urgent alarm - Raw Story


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