The Epstein Chronicles

Jeffrey Epstein allegedly attempted to use his financial leverage over Sarah Ferguson to pressure her into publicly repairing his reputation after she condemned her association with him. Ferguson had described accepting £15,000 from Epstein as a serious error of judgment, but private communications showed Epstein and his advisers discussing how to make her retract or soften those remarks. Ferguson later sent Epstein an apologetic message describing him as a loyal and generous friend and explaining that her public criticism had been intended to protect her own reputation. The communications suggested that Epstein viewed the financial help and favors he provided as leverage he could use when an associate threatened his public image.

Ferguson’s financial problems appeared to make her particularly vulnerable to that pressure. She repeatedly sought money, employment opportunities and business support from Epstein even after his 2008 conviction, while he remained involved in ventures connected to her and controlled internet domains associated with one of her projects. When Ferguson sought the return of those domains, Epstein’s lawyer reportedly treated the matter as part of a negotiation tied to her public support for him. Although the available evidence did not conclusively establish criminal blackmail, it showed Epstein attempting to exploit financial dependency and personal loyalty to secure favorable statements from someone whose public condemnation threatened his efforts to rehabilitate his reputation.



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source:

Inside Epstein’s plot to ‘blackmail’ Sarah Ferguson over paedophile comments

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Day four of Tyler Robinson’s preliminary hearing, held July 9, centered on some of the prosecution’s most consequential evidence yet, including a recorded interview with Robinson’s former roommate and romantic partner, Lance Twiggs. In the interview, Twiggs described Robinson’s behavior after Charlie Kirk was killed and authenticated text exchanges in which Robinson allegedly admitted responsibility for the shooting, discussed the rifle and expressed concern that investigators would find his DNA on it. Twiggs also said Robinson later confirmed the confession in person and expressed regret about what he had done. Prosecutors additionally introduced Robinson’s handwritten note to Twiggs, which allegedly said that he had an opportunity to “take out Charlie Kirk” and took it, although Judge Tony Graf quickly ordered the image removed after it was inadvertently displayed publicly. Twiggs also identified Robinson in surveillance images with varying degrees of certainty, telling investigators that some of the later photographs definitely appeared to show him.


The state also spent a significant portion of the day strengthening the forensic connection between Robinson and the physical evidence. Investigators testified that Robinson’s DNA was found on numerous portions of the rifle recovered near Utah Valley University, including the stock, grips, trigger area, bolt and barrel, as well as on ammunition associated with the weapon. An ATF analysis also linked a rotary engraving tool recovered from Robinson’s residence to markings found on cartridge cases, supporting the prosecution’s allegation that ammunition had been engraved before the shooting. At the same time, the forensic evidence was not absolute across the board: investigators could not conclusively determine that the bullet-jacket fragment recovered during Kirk’s autopsy had been fired from the recovered rifle. By the end of the fourth day, however, prosecutors had combined Robinson’s alleged admissions, Twiggs’ account, the handwritten note, surveillance evidence and extensive DNA testimony into their clearest presentation yet of why they believe Robinson was the shooter.







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New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez sued the U.S. Department of Justice on August 5, 2026, accusing the federal government of obstructing the state’s renewed criminal investigation into alleged abuse, trafficking and other crimes connected to Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch. The lawsuit seeks access to unredacted federal investigative files that New Mexico says are necessary to identify victims, witnesses and possible co-conspirators tied to Epstein’s activities in the state. Torrez argues that DOJ’s refusal to turn over the material violates the Administrative Procedure Act and interferes with New Mexico’s sovereign authority to investigate crimes committed within its borders. The state has said the federal files contain substantial information about Zorro Ranch and that publicly released Epstein records already include thousands of references to New Mexico and the property.

The lawsuit also rests on New Mexico’s claim that federal prosecutors effectively told state investigators to stand down in 2019 while the Southern District of New York pursued its own Epstein investigation, with an understanding that relevant information would later be shared. According to former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas, that information was never provided, and the state says repeated requests in 2026 produced little of investigative value, including a 31-page production made up largely of already-public or heavily redacted material. New Mexico is asking a federal court to declare DOJ’s refusal unlawful and order the department to provide access to the unredacted records, arguing that the continued withholding has directly hampered an active criminal investigation into what happened at Zorro Ranch and who, beyond Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, may have been involved.



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source:

gov.uscourts.dcd.295266.1.0.pdf

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New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez sued the U.S. Department of Justice on August 5, 2026, accusing the federal government of obstructing the state’s renewed criminal investigation into alleged abuse, trafficking and other crimes connected to Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch. The lawsuit seeks access to unredacted federal investigative files that New Mexico says are necessary to identify victims, witnesses and possible co-conspirators tied to Epstein’s activities in the state. Torrez argues that DOJ’s refusal to turn over the material violates the Administrative Procedure Act and interferes with New Mexico’s sovereign authority to investigate crimes committed within its borders. The state has said the federal files contain substantial information about Zorro Ranch and that publicly released Epstein records already include thousands of references to New Mexico and the property.

The lawsuit also rests on New Mexico’s claim that federal prosecutors effectively told state investigators to stand down in 2019 while the Southern District of New York pursued its own Epstein investigation, with an understanding that relevant information would later be shared. According to former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas, that information was never provided, and the state says repeated requests in 2026 produced little of investigative value, including a 31-page production made up largely of already-public or heavily redacted material. New Mexico is asking a federal court to declare DOJ’s refusal unlawful and order the department to provide access to the unredacted records, arguing that the continued withholding has directly hampered an active criminal investigation into what happened at Zorro Ranch and who, beyond Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, may have been involved.



to contact me:

[email protected]



source:

gov.uscourts.dcd.295266.1.0.pdf

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez sued the U.S. Department of Justice on August 5, 2026, accusing the federal government of obstructing the state’s renewed criminal investigation into alleged abuse, trafficking and other crimes connected to Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch. The lawsuit seeks access to unredacted federal investigative files that New Mexico says are necessary to identify victims, witnesses and possible co-conspirators tied to Epstein’s activities in the state. Torrez argues that DOJ’s refusal to turn over the material violates the Administrative Procedure Act and interferes with New Mexico’s sovereign authority to investigate crimes committed within its borders. The state has said the federal files contain substantial information about Zorro Ranch and that publicly released Epstein records already include thousands of references to New Mexico and the property.

The lawsuit also rests on New Mexico’s claim that federal prosecutors effectively told state investigators to stand down in 2019 while the Southern District of New York pursued its own Epstein investigation, with an understanding that relevant information would later be shared. According to former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas, that information was never provided, and the state says repeated requests in 2026 produced little of investigative value, including a 31-page production made up largely of already-public or heavily redacted material. New Mexico is asking a federal court to declare DOJ’s refusal unlawful and order the department to provide access to the unredacted records, arguing that the continued withholding has directly hampered an active criminal investigation into what happened at Zorro Ranch and who, beyond Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, may have been involved.



to contact me:

[email protected]



source:

gov.uscourts.dcd.295266.1.0.pdf

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez sued the U.S. Department of Justice on August 5, 2026, accusing the federal government of obstructing the state’s renewed criminal investigation into alleged abuse, trafficking and other crimes connected to Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch. The lawsuit seeks access to unredacted federal investigative files that New Mexico says are necessary to identify victims, witnesses and possible co-conspirators tied to Epstein’s activities in the state. Torrez argues that DOJ’s refusal to turn over the material violates the Administrative Procedure Act and interferes with New Mexico’s sovereign authority to investigate crimes committed within its borders. The state has said the federal files contain substantial information about Zorro Ranch and that publicly released Epstein records already include thousands of references to New Mexico and the property.

The lawsuit also rests on New Mexico’s claim that federal prosecutors effectively told state investigators to stand down in 2019 while the Southern District of New York pursued its own Epstein investigation, with an understanding that relevant information would later be shared. According to former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas, that information was never provided, and the state says repeated requests in 2026 produced little of investigative value, including a 31-page production made up largely of already-public or heavily redacted material. New Mexico is asking a federal court to declare DOJ’s refusal unlawful and order the department to provide access to the unredacted records, arguing that the continued withholding has directly hampered an active criminal investigation into what happened at Zorro Ranch and who, beyond Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, may have been involved.



to contact me:

[email protected]



source:

gov.uscourts.dcd.295266.1.0.pdf

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Brad Edwards repeatedly held Courtney Wild up as one of the clearest examples of how badly Jeffrey Epstein’s victims were failed by the federal justice system. Wild was only 14 when she was drawn into Epstein’s Palm Beach operation, and Edwards represented her for years in the legal fight over the secret 2007 non-prosecution agreement. He described her as extraordinarily determined and central to the effort to force the government to account for the way prosecutors negotiated Epstein’s deal without informing his victims. Wild became the face of the Crime Victims’ Rights Act challenge, arguing that prosecutors had violated her rights by keeping her in the dark while granting Epstein and his potential co-conspirators sweeping protection. Edwards viewed her persistence as remarkable because she continued fighting long after Epstein had used his wealth and legal firepower to wear victims down, and she remained committed even when the courts ultimately limited the relief she could obtain.

Edwards was far less charitable when discussing Prince Andrew. He blasted Andrew for continuing to associate with Epstein after Epstein had already been convicted and registered as a sex offender, arguing that there was no reasonable explanation for maintaining that friendship once Epstein’s record was public. Edwards said Andrew would likely have to live with ridicule for years because of how badly he handled the scandal and because of the obvious questions raised by his post-conviction contact with Epstein. He also rejected the idea that Andrew’s civil settlement with Virginia Giuffre settled the underlying questions about what he knew or did, stressing that a settlement was not the same thing as being tested under oath at trial. Edwards’ broader criticism was simple: Andrew had access to information about Epstein’s world, had remained close to him at a time when his criminal history was already known, and had never provided the kind of full, sworn accounting that survivors and their lawyers had been demanding.



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Jeffrey Epstein’s relationship with Les Wexner was not just financial—it was the foundation of Epstein’s rise from a mysterious money manager to a figure embedded in the world of extreme wealth and power. Wexner, the billionaire founder of L Brands and longtime CEO of Victoria’s Secret, granted Epstein unprecedented access to his fortune, his homes, and his reputation. Epstein was given power of attorney over Wexner’s finances, a level of trust so unusual it raised questions about the true nature of their bond. This arrangement allowed Epstein to control massive sums of Wexner’s wealth, acquire luxury properties, and build the image of legitimacy he later used to lure victims and cultivate influence..

Yet Wexner has long insisted that he, too, was deceived by Epstein, claiming that Epstein stole money and betrayed his trust. That narrative, however, collapses under scrutiny. Maria Farmer’s testimony places abuse at Wexner’s heavily guarded Ohio estate, and Epstein’s use of Wexner’s assets—such as the Manhattan townhouse he effectively gifted him—suggests far more than a duped investor. The fact that Wexner enabled Epstein’s ascent, while escaping the same level of media and legal accountability as other Epstein associates, underscores how wealth and influence insulated him. Their relationship was not incidental; it was the keystone that transformed Epstein from a grifter into a predator with access to the corridors of power.



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The circumstances surrounding Jean-Luc Brunel’s death are extraordinarily difficult to separate from the unanswered questions surrounding Jeffrey Epstein’s own death. Brunel was one of the most important figures in Epstein’s modeling-world network and was facing serious criminal allegations in France when he was found hanging in his Paris jail cell in February 2022, before his case could ever be tested at trial. That alone would have been enough to generate scrutiny, but Brunel was not just another defendant. He was accused of helping recruit young women into Epstein’s orbit and was positioned to know far more than most people about how that pipeline operated, who participated in it and how Epstein’s international network functioned. His death meant that prosecutors, survivors and the public lost the opportunity to hear that evidence developed in open court.

What makes the official narrative so difficult for many people to accept without reservation is the repetition. Epstein died by hanging in federal custody after a cascade of failures involving staffing, inmate checks, surveillance and housing arrangements. Less than three years later, Brunel—another key Epstein associate facing the possibility of exposing more of that same world—was also found hanging in jail before trial. French authorities treated Brunel’s death as suicide, just as U.S. authorities concluded Epstein killed himself, and there is no publicly established evidence proving either man was murdered. But skepticism is not irrational when two central figures connected to the same trafficking network die in custody before they can testify, particularly after the documented institutional failures surrounding Epstein’s death. The official explanation may ultimately be correct, but the overlap is significant enough that simply repeating “suicide” does not resolve the deeper questions about what safeguards failed, what evidence was lost and who benefited from both men never reaching a courtroom.


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In the 2017 video deposition of Courtney E. Wild, taken as part of the civil case Epstein v. Rothstein in the Fifteenth Judicial Circuit Court of Florida, Wild testified under oath about her personal background, criminal history, and relevant circumstances before the court began substantive questions. The early portion of the deposition focuses on Wild’s identity and personal history, including her marriage, family situation, and her own past convictions, including a drug trafficking conviction for which she was serving a sentence at the Gadsden Correctional Facility in Florida at the time of the deposition. Wild was sworn in and answered basic biographical questions about her life prior to moving into the heart of the civil litigation against Epstein’s representatives and others, establishing her presence and credibility as a witness in the case’s factual record


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source:

1027.pdf

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