WFHB

Today we begin to take some kind of measure of the impacts of the so-called novel coronavirus or COVID-19 in our communities.

Throughout, we’ll be accompanied by “Love” and “Compassion,” two tracks from John Coltrane’s last recordings with McCoy Tyner, Elvin Jones, Jimmy Garrison. Recorded on September 2, 1965 and released in 1977 on the album First Meditations, this has been described by critic and essayist Geoff Dyer as “catastrophic Coltrane” following Adorno’s reflection that in the history of art “late works are the catastrophe.”

What we know about the pandemic being called COVID-19 (a novel coronavirus) is ever-changing. The number of confirmed cases continues to rise; certain areas have been hard hit, from the so-called epicenter in Wuhan, China, to the Lombardy region in Northern Italy.

One primary concern is simply how people get good information so they can plan their lives accordingly. To date we have been asked to wash our hands incessantly or as one of our guests has written, furiously, and most importantly, apparently, we are supposed to practice social distancing.

But what if that’s not possible; and further, what if that only bolsters the destructive individualism that has brought us to our current catastrophes?

But we move finally to “how to help” and how to remember there are many ways to feel the pain of a catastrophe, to the fact that pandemics grow and are fostered from within our systems of living…telling us that this way of organizing our living has to stop.

To begin today, Mia Beach shares two conversations with guests Kass Botts and Forrest Gilmore. Kass Botts is the Executive Director of the Indiana Recovery Alliance, an organization focused on harm reduction and social justice in the Bloomington community; and Forrest Gilmore is the Executive Director of the Shalom Community Center in Bloomington, an organization that supports people suffering poverty and houselessness.

And we’ll end with philosopher Frederic Neyrat who discusses the ways we are manipulated by certain ideas of separation. Neyrat specifically looks at the French context but goes on to discuss the ways that we must reject the kinds of “separations” offered from our built environments and our governments and perhaps find ways to separate from them.

RELATED

Viruses and Separation: Frédéric Neyrat on political virality and competing separatisms

Shalom Community Center

Facebook page for the Shalom Community Center

Indiana Recovery Alliance

Facebook page for Indiana Recovery Alliance

MUSIC

John Coltrane, “Love” and “Compassion” (First Meditations)

CREDITS

Producer & Host: Doug Storm

Segment Producer: Mia Beach

Executive Producer: Kade Young

Today we begin to take some kind of measure of the impacts of the so-called novel coronavirus or COVID-19 in our communities.

Throughout, we’ll be accompanied by “Love” and “Compassion,” two tracks from John Coltrane’s last recordings with McCoy Tyner, Elvin Jones, Jimmy Garrison. Recorded on September 2, 1965 and released in 1977 on the album First Meditations, this has been described by critic and essayist Geoff Dyer as “catastrophic Coltrane” following Adorno’s reflection that in the history of art “late works are the catastrophe.”

What we know about the pandemic being called COVID-19 (a novel coronavirus) is ever-changing. The number of confirmed cases continues to rise; certain areas have been hard hit, from the so-called epicenter in Wuhan, China, to the Lombardy region in Northern Italy.

One primary concern is simply how people get good information so they can plan their lives accordingly. To date we have been asked to wash our hands incessantly or as one of our guests has written, furiously, and most importantly, apparently, we are supposed to practice social distancing.

But what if that’s not possible; and further, what if that only bolsters the destructive individualism that has brought us to our current catastrophes?

But we move finally to “how to help” and how to remember there are many ways to feel the pain of a catastrophe, to the fact that pandemics grow and are fostered from within our systems of living...telling us that this way of organizing our living has to stop.

To begin today, Mia Beach shares two conversations with guests Kass Botts and Forrest Gilmore. Kass Botts is the Executive Director of the Indiana Recovery Alliance, an organization focused on harm reduction and social justice in the Bloomington community; and Forrest Gilmore is the Executive Director of the Shalom Community Center in Bloomington, an organization that supports people suffering poverty and houselessness.

Fréderic Neyrat

And we’ll end with philosopher Frederic Neyrat who discusses the ways we are manipulated by certain ideas of separation. Neyrat specifically looks at the French context but goes on to discuss the ways that we must reject the kinds of “separations” offered from our built environments and our governments and perhaps find ways to separate from them.

RELATED

Viruses and Separation: Frédéric Neyrat on political virality and competing separatisms

Shalom Community Center

Facebook page for the Shalom Community Center

Indiana Recovery Alliance

Facebook page for Indiana Recovery Alliance

MUSIC

John Coltrane, "Love" and "Compassion" (First Meditations)

CREDITS

Producer & Host: Doug Storm

Segment Producer: Mia Beach

Executive Producer: Kade Young

Over the past decade, academic labor has become increasingly precarious, with tenure track positions diminishing rapidly and the pool of adjunct lecturers growing intensely. Compensation for graduate students who double as Teaching Assistants (or TAs) has dropped significantly or stagnated while tuition and additional fees, as well as general class sizes and teaching responsibilities, have climbed steadily.

The graduate students at the Santa Cruz campus of the University of California are keenly aware of this predicament: A crisis in housing has driven them into an extreme rent burden, demanding upwards of 70% of their already meager paychecks to cover monthly rent. With Santa Cruz being one of the most expensive cities in the United States to live in and with wages for graduate workers at the university falling well below the average cost of living in the city, UCSC students are often foregoing basic necessities just to get by. To remedy this and to fight for a life of fairness and basic dignity, UCSC graduate students went on strike, demanding a cost of living adjustment (COLA) for all students at the university.

Beginning in December of last year as a small-scale grading strike, where graduate students and TAs refused to submit grades for the fall quarter, the UC Santa Cruz Wildcat Strike has since developed into a state-wide initiative to demand a cost of living adjustment for all students and workers across the UC system. On February 10, graduate students at UCSC voted to extend the strike from a grading strike to a full-scale teaching strike, refusing their work as TAs and grading assistants until the UC administration, headed by Janet Napolitano (former Secretary of Homeland Security), makes good on their demands. The administration thus far has been silent and, instead, has made active attempts to break the strike, employing methods of intimidation, arresting several nonviolent strikers, and most recently firing at least 80 graduate students from their teaching positions, throwing them further into financial burden.

But look closer…which graduate students are struggling the most? It’s not those who study war, or chemistry, or politics, or business, or biology…rather it’s the students who investigate and critique those other methods of structuring our society.

Part One

Guest Yulia Gilichinskaya is a PhD candidate in the Film and Digital Media Department at UC Santa Cruz. She’s one of the nearly 80 students who were fired from their teaching positions on February 22 by the UC administration simply for seeking a path for negotiation. Gilichinskay is deeply involved in the wildcat strike and has been an effective organizer with the grad strikers.

Part Two

Guest Michael Burawoy is a professor of sociology at the University of California Berkeley and Secretary of the Berkeley Faculty Association, the so-called “conscience of the faculty senate” which is involved in joint governance with the college administration. Burawoy has appeared on Interchange in the past to discuss the business ideology at large in the Public University.

RELATED

pay us more ucsc

UC graduate students threaten more strikes as movement grows

Become Unreasonable: For wildcat strikers at the University of California in Santa Cruz, there’s no turning back. (Commune Magazine)

The UCSC Strike Is Working

Photo Credit: Haneen Zain

Over the past decade, academic labor has become increasingly precarious, with tenure track positions diminishing rapidly and the pool of adjunct lecturers growing intensely. Compensation for graduate students who double as Teaching Assistants (or TAs) has dropped significantly or stagnated while tuition and additional fees, as well as general class sizes and teaching responsibilities, have climbed steadily.

The graduate students at the Santa Cruz campus of the University of California are keenly aware of this predicament: A crisis in housing has driven them into an extreme rent burden, demanding upwards of 70% of their already meager paychecks to cover monthly rent. With Santa Cruz being one of the most expensive cities in the United States to live in and with wages for graduate workers at the university falling well below the average cost of living in the city, UCSC students are often foregoing basic necessities just to get by. To remedy this and to fight for a life of fairness and basic dignity, UCSC graduate students went on strike, demanding a cost of living adjustment (COLA) for all students at the university.

Beginning in December of last year as a small-scale grading strike, where graduate students and TAs refused to submit grades for the fall quarter, the UC Santa Cruz Wildcat Strike has since developed into a state-wide initiative to demand a cost of living adjustment for all students and workers across the UC system. On February 10, graduate students at UCSC voted to extend the strike from a grading strike to a full-scale teaching strike, refusing their work as TAs and grading assistants until the UC administration, headed by Janet Napolitano (former Secretary of Homeland Security), makes good on their demands. The administration thus far has been silent and, instead, has made active attempts to break the strike, employing methods of intimidation, arresting several nonviolent strikers, and most recently firing at least 80 graduate students from their teaching positions, throwing them further into financial burden.

But look closer...which graduate students are struggling the most? It’s not those who study war, or chemistry, or politics, or business, or biology...rather it’s the students who investigate and critique those other methods of structuring our society.

Part One

Guest Yulia Gilichinskaya is a PhD candidate in the Film and Digital Media Department at UC Santa Cruz. She’s one of the nearly 80 students who were fired from their teaching positions on February 22 by the UC administration simply for seeking a path for negotiation. Gilichinskay is deeply involved in the wildcat strike and has been an effective organizer with the grad strikers.

Part Two

Guest Michael Burawoy is a professor of sociology at the University of California Berkeley and Secretary of the Berkeley Faculty Association, the so-called “conscience of the faculty senate” which is involved in joint governance with the college administration. Burawoy has appeared on Interchange in the past to discuss the business ideology at large in the Public University.

RELATED

pay us more ucsc

UC graduate students threaten more strikes as movement grows

Become Unreasonable: For wildcat strikers at the University of California in Santa Cruz, there’s no turning back. (Commune Magazine)

Today we repeat our interview with Michael Burawoy on the “CEO Spiralists” in Public Universities from April 10, 2018, as a kind of preparation for next week’s show on the wildcat strike by graduate students at the University of California Santa Cruz. The University pays its administrators handsomely while bankrupting its working class – teachers.

Graduate student instructors, readers and graders across the UC system earn $2,400 a month, for nine months—around $21,000 a year—as part of their union contract with the United Auto Workers Local 2865, which represents more than 18,000 academic workers in the state. With average rents in Santa Cruz at $2,611 per month, many students live under extreme rent burden, paying 50–70 percent of their gross income on rent and utilities.*

This is about public funding for education – California is reported to have a $20 billion dollar budget surplus.

“The strike is a real opportunity for UC to lead on a much bigger national issue: the funding of public higher education. The strike’s caught fire because it speaks to the real need for living wages and for truly affordable college for everyone.” – Steven McKay, associate professor of sociology and director of the UCSC Center for Labor Studies.*

*”In the UC Santa Cruz Wildcat Strike, Class War Meets the California Housing Crisis” (Mother Jones, February 21, 2020)

**********

Our guest tonight is University of California Berkeley Sociologist, Michael Burawoy, who has studied industrial workplaces in Zambia, Chicago, Hungary, and post-Soviet Russia, has turned his sociological lens on the workplace that is the modern University. Burawoy says top Universities are now helmed by people he calls “spiralists”: executive administrators who enter the university from the outside, with little knowledge of its inner workings or long-standing values. They cultivate, promote and protect each other through mutual recruitment, at the same time boosting their corporate-level incomes and contributing to administrative bloat, all the while corroding the public-spirited legitimacy universities were founded on.

Work has always been a locus of social construction, from the shop floor to the classroom. And yes, schools, though we may forget, are sites of labor. And one particularly freighted with an inherent socialist tendency. It’s why there has been a great struggle in the last decades for the soul of university: a struggle currently being handily won by spiralists and profiteers.

RELATED

Michael Burawoy on Sociology and the Workplace (Social Science Bites)

Privatization increases inequality and reduces the quality of education (The Daily Californian)

Poynter Center Expected to Close Its Doors (Indiana Daily Student)

*Colleges are full of it: Behind the three-decade scheme to raise tuition, bankrupt generations, and hypnotize the media by Thomas Frank

GUEST

Michael Burawoy has been a participant observer of industrial workplaces in four countries: Zambia, United States, Hungary and Russia. In his different projects he has tried to illuminate — from the standpoint of the working class — postcolonialism,

Today we repeat our interview with Michael Burawoy on the "CEO Spiralists" in Public Universities from April 10, 2018, as a kind of preparation for next week's show on the wildcat strike by graduate students at the University of California Santa Cruz. The University pays its administrators handsomely while bankrupting its working class - teachers.

Graduate student instructors, readers and graders across the UC system earn $2,400 a month, for nine months—around $21,000 a year—as part of their union contract with the United Auto Workers Local 2865, which represents more than 18,000 academic workers in the state. With average rents in Santa Cruz at $2,611 per month, many students live under extreme rent burden, paying 50–70 percent of their gross income on rent and utilities.*

This is about public funding for education - California is reported to have a $20 billion dollar budget surplus.

“The strike is a real opportunity for UC to lead on a much bigger national issue: the funding of public higher education. The strike’s caught fire because it speaks to the real need for living wages and for truly affordable college for everyone.” - Steven McKay, associate professor of sociology and director of the UCSC Center for Labor Studies.*

*"In the UC Santa Cruz Wildcat Strike, Class War Meets the California Housing Crisis" (Mother Jones, February 21, 2020)

**********

Our guest tonight is University of California Berkeley Sociologist, Michael Burawoy, who has studied industrial workplaces in Zambia, Chicago, Hungary, and post-Soviet Russia, has turned his sociological lens on the workplace that is the modern University. Burawoy says top Universities are now helmed by people he calls “spiralists”: executive administrators who enter the university from the outside, with little knowledge of its inner workings or long-standing values. They cultivate, promote and protect each other through mutual recruitment, at the same time boosting their corporate-level incomes and contributing to administrative bloat, all the while corroding the public-spirited legitimacy universities were founded on.

Work has always been a locus of social construction, from the shop floor to the classroom. And yes, schools, though we may forget, are sites of labor. And one particularly freighted with an inherent socialist tendency. It’s why there has been a great struggle in the last decades for the soul of university: a struggle currently being handily won by spiralists and profiteers.

RELATED

Michael Burawoy on Sociology and the Workplace (Social Science Bites)

Privatization increases inequality and reduces the quality of education (The Daily Californian)

Poynter Center Expected to Close Its Doors (Indiana Daily Student)

*Colleges are full of it: Behind the three-decade scheme to raise tuition, bankrupt generations, and hypnotize the media by Thomas Frank

GUEST

Michael Burawoy has been a participant observer of industrial workplaces in four countries: Zambia, United States, Hungary and Russia. In his different projects he has tried to illuminate — from the standpoint of the working class — postcolonialism,

Our show is about the French Gilets jaunes Movement, or Yellow Vests Movement. For more than a year, protestors have donned yellow safety vests and taken to the streets to decry the police, centrist French President Emmanuel Macron, and his attempted austerity reforms.

The reflective vests worn by protesters are required for all French motorists to store in their cars in cases of emergency. The vest became the emblem of the movement back in November of 2018 when Macron announced a tax on gasoline. He proposed the measure as an environmentally friendly regulation but the French people saw through his rhetoric and identified the obvious neoliberal bid to shift the rising costs of climate change to consumers. Thousands marched. Paris descended into chaos, and Macron withdrew the gas tax a month later.

And then every Saturday for months, the yellow vests continued to rally and riot in cities across the country. During the workweek, they took over hundreds of the roundabouts, which are highway junctions that move traffic in one direction around a central island. These traffic circles are common in the French road system, and the yellow vests used them to slow, as opposed to stop, traffic between cities and spread their message. The roundabouts became a hub of activity.

And while the scenes of the gilets jaunes are familiar, brutalizing riot police, broken windows, cars and trash bins set ablaze, these demonstrations continue to evade political definition.

In “Memes with Force,” producer Bella Bravo, speaks with Adrian Wohlleben and Paul Torino, Americans who contributed to the gilets jaunes at its outset, about what they find distinctive and vitalizing about this movement: by facilitating widespread participation through memes it has increased collective force; and by generalizing sites of resistance in the roundabouts it has broadened public opportunities for protest communities to converge and experiment.

Examples of memes in protest include wearing a yellow vest, or singing Baby Shark throughout the streets and squares of Lebanon, or banging on a stovetop pot as people do now throughout Latin America in a form of protest called cacerolazo.

Instead of the public square, meeting hall, salon, or club, the yellow vests meet in the roundabouts – sites completely novel to class conflict though clearly linked to the capitalist command of the terrain.

Set this against the localized struggle of a factory strike or a reproductive justice campaign largely composed of a subset of women where a protest-specific identity limits participation; memes or memetic activities allow anyone to engage in the fight, to transcend individual interest.

Our opening song, “Gilet jaune” (or Yellow Vest) comes from Toulouse, France delivery driver Kopp Johnson. This simple, repetitive chant expresses support for the Yellow Vests and calls for the resignation of French President Emmanuel Macron. It has over 26 million YouTube views and has become the subject of a multitude of memes. We’ll stick with French Hip-hop throughout.

GUESTS

Adrian Wohlleben is a communist researcher and translator living in Chicago. He can be reached at [email protected]

Paul Torino lives in Atlanta and can be reached at [email protected]

RELATED

Memes with Force – Lessons from the Yellow Vests by By Paul Torino & Adrian Wohlleben

¡Chile despertó! – Chile Woke Up!

Making Claims from the Coca Fields: Women’s Autonomy and the Colombian National Strike

Our show is about the French Gilets jaunes Movement, or Yellow Vests Movement. For more than a year, protestors have donned yellow safety vests and taken to the streets to decry the police, centrist French President Emmanuel Macron, and his attempted austerity reforms.

The reflective vests worn by protesters are required for all French motorists to store in their cars in cases of emergency. The vest became the emblem of the movement back in November of 2018 when Macron announced a tax on gasoline. He proposed the measure as an environmentally friendly regulation but the French people saw through his rhetoric and identified the obvious neoliberal bid to shift the rising costs of climate change to consumers. Thousands marched. Paris descended into chaos, and Macron withdrew the gas tax a month later.

And then every Saturday for months, the yellow vests continued to rally and riot in cities across the country. During the workweek, they took over hundreds of the roundabouts, which are highway junctions that move traffic in one direction around a central island. These traffic circles are common in the French road system, and the yellow vests used them to slow, as opposed to stop, traffic between cities and spread their message. The roundabouts became a hub of activity.

And while the scenes of the gilets jaunes are familiar, brutalizing riot police, broken windows, cars and trash bins set ablaze, these demonstrations continue to evade political definition.

In “Memes with Force,” producer Bella Bravo, speaks with Adrian Wohlleben and Paul Torino, Americans who contributed to the gilets jaunes at its outset, about what they find distinctive and vitalizing about this movement: by facilitating widespread participation through memes it has increased collective force; and by generalizing sites of resistance in the roundabouts it has broadened public opportunities for protest communities to converge and experiment.

Examples of memes in protest include wearing a yellow vest, or singing Baby Shark throughout the streets and squares of Lebanon, or banging on a stovetop pot as people do now throughout Latin America in a form of protest called cacerolazo.

Instead of the public square, meeting hall, salon, or club, the yellow vests meet in the roundabouts - sites completely novel to class conflict though clearly linked to the capitalist command of the terrain.

Set this against the localized struggle of a factory strike or a reproductive justice campaign largely composed of a subset of women where a protest-specific identity limits participation; memes or memetic activities allow anyone to engage in the fight, to transcend individual interest.

Our opening song, "Gilet jaune" (or Yellow Vest) comes from Toulouse, France delivery driver Kopp Johnson. This simple, repetitive chant expresses support for the Yellow Vests and calls for the resignation of French President Emmanuel Macron. It has over 26 million YouTube views and has become the subject of a multitude of memes. We’ll stick with French Hip-hop throughout.

GUESTS

Adrian Wohlleben is a communist researcher and translator living in Chicago. He can be reached at [email protected]

Paul Torino lives in Atlanta and can be reached at [email protected]

RELATED

Memes with Force - Lessons from the Yellow Vests by By Paul Torino & Adrian Wohlleben

¡Chile despertó! – Chile Woke Up!

Making Claims from the Coca Fields: Women’s Autonomy and the Colombian National Strike

In the August 1897 Atlantic Monthly W. E. B. Du Bois published “Strivings of the Negro People” in which he introduced the term double-consciousness:

…this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One feels his two-ness, — an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife, — this longing to attain self-conscious manhood…

To be both black and American…an unresolved twoness still.

In her book Force and Freedom: Black Abolitionists and the Politics of Violence, Kellie Carter Jackson contends that the history of abolitionism, of anti-slavery, in the US has been a tale told by white supremacy…that it was seen as the white man’s burden to free the enslaved, to give the blessings of freedom.

Yet to be a black American, male or female, was to assert instead that freedom must be taken. Black abolitionists had to throw off the restrictive tactics of moral suasion and pacifism preached since the 1750s by white abolitionists that had yet to alter the terrible fact of bondage: still enslaved, still unequal, still not citizens protected by the Constitution. This was war. To make a slave was to steal the natural rights of men and women and justify it with legal and moral fictions; to drape kidnapping, torture, rape, and murder inside the gift of the civilizing mission.

By the 1850s, the population of enslaved Americans had increased exponentially, and such legislative efforts as the Fugitive Slave Act and the Supreme Court’s 1857 ruling in the Dred Scott case effectively voided any rights black Americans held as enslaved or free people. As conditions deteriorated for African Americans, black abolitionist leaders embraced violence as the only means of shocking Northerners out of their apathy and instigating an antislavery war.

Black abolitionist James McCune Smith put it this way: “Our white brethren cannot understand us unless we speak to them in their own language; they recognize only the philosophy of force.”

Put it another way – our history is clear: violence abolished slavery.

GUEST

Kellie Carter Jackson is the author of Force and Freedom: Black Abolitionists and the Politics of Violence and is a nineteenth century historian in the Department of Africana Studies at Wellesley College. She earned her B.A from Howard University and her Ph.D from Columbia University. Carter Jackson is also co-editor of Reconsidering Roots: Race, Politics, and Memory (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2017).

RELATED

Brief biographies of 25 Black abolitionists

Strivings of the Negro People by W. E. B. Du Bois

The danger of denying black Americans political rights by Kellie Carter Jackson

Confronting Black Jacobins (Interchange interview with Gerald Horne)

MUSIC

“Double Consciousness” – Christian Scott

“Wade in the Water” – Mavis Staples

“Follow the Drinking Gourd” – Richie Havens

In the August 1897 Atlantic Monthly W. E. B. Du Bois published “Strivings of the Negro People” in which he introduced the term double-consciousness:

...this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One feels his two-ness, — an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife, — this longing to attain self-conscious manhood...

To be both black and American...an unresolved twoness still.

In her book Force and Freedom: Black Abolitionists and the Politics of Violence, Kellie Carter Jackson contends that the history of abolitionism, of anti-slavery, in the US has been a tale told by white supremacy...that it was seen as the white man’s burden to free the enslaved, to give the blessings of freedom.

Yet to be a black American, male or female, was to assert instead that freedom must be taken. Black abolitionists had to throw off the restrictive tactics of moral suasion and pacifism preached since the 1750s by white abolitionists that had yet to alter the terrible fact of bondage: still enslaved, still unequal, still not citizens protected by the Constitution. This was war. To make a slave was to steal the natural rights of men and women and justify it with legal and moral fictions; to drape kidnapping, torture, rape, and murder inside the gift of the civilizing mission.

By the 1850s, the population of enslaved Americans had increased exponentially, and such legislative efforts as the Fugitive Slave Act and the Supreme Court's 1857 ruling in the Dred Scott case effectively voided any rights black Americans held as enslaved or free people. As conditions deteriorated for African Americans, black abolitionist leaders embraced violence as the only means of shocking Northerners out of their apathy and instigating an antislavery war.

Black abolitionist James McCune Smith put it this way: “Our white brethren cannot understand us unless we speak to them in their own language; they recognize only the philosophy of force.”

Put it another way - our history is clear: violence abolished slavery.

GUEST

Kellie Carter Jackson is the author of Force and Freedom: Black Abolitionists and the Politics of Violence and is a nineteenth century historian in the Department of Africana Studies at Wellesley College. She earned her B.A from Howard University and her Ph.D from Columbia University. Carter Jackson is also co-editor of Reconsidering Roots: Race, Politics, and Memory (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2017).

RELATED

Brief biographies of 25 Black abolitionists

Strivings of the Negro People by W. E. B. Du Bois

The danger of denying black Americans political rights by Kellie Carter Jackson

Confronting Black Jacobins (Interchange interview with Gerald Horne)

MUSIC

"Double Consciousness" - Christian Scott

"Wade in the Water" - Mavis Staples

"Follow the Drinking Gourd" - Richie Havens