Explaining History

During the Second World War the imperial government of India, ruled by Lord Linlithgow, the Viceroy of India, was desperate for manpower and the traditional 'martial classes' that the British had relied on were to small in number to supply all the troops needed. The vast scope of the conflict meant that millions of men not normally considered for military service would be enticed to volunteer. This would have a radical effect on Indian nationalism and the movement for independence after the conflict.

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In the mid 1950s, Anthony Eden and Guy Mollet, Britain and France's respective prime ministers initially showed little determination to overthrow Colonel Nasser of Egypt. However, mounting French problems in Algeria and Britain's dependence on 'holding out' in Egypt against further imperial decline, and the small and conspiratorial groups of ministers, intelligence chiefs and senior military figures that surrounded both governments began to shift thinking towards war.

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At the allied wartime conferences it was agreed by the big three that the Poles, Czechs and Hungarians could remove German civilians who had occupied lands now in newly recognised nation states, in some cases for generations. This decision was taken in large part because national governments and vigilante bands had already started the expulsions.

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In the immediate aftermath of the October Revolution, European governments looked nervously at the poor and dispossessed, the peasants, workers and soldiers whose conditions were frequently intolerable. The spectre of communism, both real and imagined hung over Europe, but in Spain, France and Britain, strikes and protests had more to do with the harsh economic realities that the poor felt, than the desire for a Bolshevik style uprising.

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In the half decade after the end of the First World War, the size and the militancy of the trade union movement was at its height and the largest union was the Miner's Federation of Great Britain. The appalling treatment of miners by pit owners was exacerbated by the decline in the industry's fortunes after the war, leading to strike action by the 900,000 miners in Britain.

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When Britain, France and Russia secretly planned to carve up the Ottoman Empire in 1915, France made a claim on Ottoman Syria and acquired it as a mandate during the Paris Peace Conference. Brutality, colonial mendacity and a refusal to acknowledge the demands of Druze leaders and Syrian nationalists led to an explosion of anti colonial violence in 1925, along with an equally brutal response from the French occupiers.

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Following the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917, class based terror and repression of social and political enemies became central to the party's attempts to establish itself. In addition to this, the savagery of the civil war and Lenin's belief that a parallel class war needed to be waged saw the earliest improvised camps, of which there were 107 by 1920.

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In 1956 the British Government, led by Anthony Eden, embarked on a disastrous military adventure with France and Israel that divided the country, split both political parties and was conducted despite the misgivings of the navy and air force. The agreement to attack Egypt was decided by the three main powers at a villa at Sevres weeks before the invasion. Britain wished to removed an irritant in the form of Colonel Nasser, the nationalist leader of Egypt who had nationalised the Suez Canal, the vital waterway between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, the French wished to destroy him because of his pan Arabist support for the Algerian independence movement, and Israel saw an opportunity to cripple is most deadly neighbour.

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Following the shock of the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie, Vienna, Sarajevo, and other parts of the German and non German speaking empire saw outbreaks of public anger and mourning. However, it was the popular press that falsely presented the assassination as part of a wider conspiracy and created fear and anxiety among German Austrians, leading to police raids and persecution of Serb and non Serb Slavs across the empire.

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By the end of the First World War, the British, French and American Armies were using gas more effectively than Germany, and the German Army's ability to resist gas attacks was crumbling. After the war, the view in Britain that gas had been a uniquely German crime persisted, as did the fear of gas use in future conflicts, particularly against civilians.

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