• January 4, 2021: President Trump and Eastman Meet with Pence and His Staff in the Oval Office.
• January 4, 2021: President Trump Publicly Pressures the Vice President During a Rally Speech in Georgia

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5.2 - President Trump and His Allies Exert Intense Public and Private Pressure on the Vice President in Advance of the Joint Session of Congress on January 6th

• January 2, 2021: The Vice President Meets With His Advisors, Cementing His Intended Path for the Joint Session
• January 2, 2021: Eastman and Bannon Question the “Courage and Spine” of Vice President Pence
• January 3, 2021: Eastman Drafts Another “January 6 Scenario” Memo “Wargaming” the Ways That Vice President Pence Could Change the Outcome of the Election.
• January 4, 2021: President Trump and Eastman Meet with Pence and His Staff in the Oval Office.
• January 4, 2021: President Trump Publicly Pressures the Vice President During a Rally Speech in Georgia
• January 5, 2021: Eastman Pressures Pence’s Staff in a Private Meeting While President Trump Tweets
• January 5, 2021: President Trump Again Pressures Vice President Pence in a One-On-One Meeting at the White House and Another Phone Call With Eastman
• January 5, 2021: An Accurate New York Times Article About the Vice President Prompts a False Statement in Response by President Trump
• January 5, 2021: Bannon Publicly Amplifies the Pressure on Vice President Pence

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This section covers the last three parts of Chapter 5.1:

• The Vice President’s Conclusion That He Did Not Have the Ability to Affect the Outcome of the Election
• President Trump’s Allies Filed Lawsuits Seeking a Court Order Directing Vice President Pence Not to Count Certain Electoral Votes
• Other Individuals Advising President Trump and His Campaign Also Advocated for a Role for the Vice President at the Joint Session

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5.1 - President Trump and His Allies Embark on a Desperate Gambit to Block Certification of the 2020 Presidential Election

• The Intellectual Framework for the Theory That the Vice President Could Change the Outcome of the Election at the Joint Session Emerged From Discussions Among the Lawyers Working With the Trump Campaign After the 2020 Election
• Kenneth Chesebro Articulated a “President of the Senate” Strategy in Early December, When the Trump Campaign Was Convening “Alternate” Electors in Key States President Trump Lost
• On December 23, John Eastman Drafted the First of His Two “January 6th Scenario” Memos, Articulating the Argument That Under the Constitution the Vice President Is the “Ultimate Arbiter”
• Eastman Changed His Evaluation of the 12th Amendment, and the Role of the Vice President, After President Trump Lost the Election
• Eastman’s “January 6 Scenario” Clearly Required the Vice President To Violate the Electoral Count Act, the Federal Law Governing the Certification of Presidential Elections
• Eastman’s Theory Was—in the Words of President Trump’s Senior White House and Campaign Officials—“Insane,” “Crazy,” “Nutty” and It Would Never Practically Work
• The Vice President’s Conclusion That He Did Not Have the Ability to Affect the Outcome of the Election
• President Trump’s Allies Filed Lawsuits Seeking a Court Order Directing Vice President Pence Not to Count Certain Electoral Votes
• Other Individuals Advising President Trump and His Campaign Also Advocated for a Role for the Vice President at the Joint Session

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As January 6th approached, President Trump turned on his own Vice President. This chapter describes the pressure placed on Vice President Mike Pence in the days leading up to January 6th. It also provides evidence that President Trump knew what he was doing was in violation of the Electoral Count Act and the U.S. Constitution. Finally, sending his supporters to march to the U.S. Capitol was one last attempt to pressure Vice President Pence into taking one of the two options that President Trump and John Eastman believed would either keep Trump in office or delay former Vice President Biden from taking office.

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The most senior DOJ officials stopped President Trump from co-opting America’s leading law enforcement agency for his own corrupt purposes. This short section concludes with a quote from Jeffrey Rosen regarding his short time as the Acting Attorney General.

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On January 3rd, Clark informed Rosen that he had decided to accept the President’s offer to serve as the Acting Attorney General. Rosen took four steps to try and prevent Clark’s ascension to Attorney General. At Rosen’s request, White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows arranged a meeting with the President that evening. The threat of mass resignations ultimately prevented Clark from taking over as acting Acting Attorney General.

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On Saturday, January 2nd, Rosen and Donoghue told Clark that he should stop meeting with the President. Clark told Rosen that he would decline the offer to become the Acting AG if Rosen and Donoghue signed his letter to officials in Georgia. That same day, President Trump attempted to coerce Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger into finding enough votes to win the state.

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On December 31st, 2020, President Trump returned to Washington, DC, after celebrating Christmas in Florida. The President once again raised the prospect of naming Clark the Acting Attorney General. Trump also floated the prospect of naming a special counsel to investigate the allegations surrounding the elections. During the December 31st meeting, the President also raised the prospect of seizing the voting machines. However, the DOJ pushed back, saying they had no basis to seize voting machines from the States.

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On December 30th, Acting Attorney General Rosen had a phone call with President Trump that included a discussion about the proposed United States v. Pennsylvania lawsuit. During the call, Rosen clearly explained to the President that DOJ could not file it.

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