Radio Lab

The concept of a resilient city is defined as the ability of an urban system to absorb a disturbance and recover its functions as a result of this disturbance. But beyond the technological aspects, building material resistance, resilience is an interesting prospect for questioning urban services, relations between rulers and citizens and more broadly the resources brought by the city. The participation of citizens in the (re) construction of this city is then essential as well as developing a more horizontal mode of governance, a greater involvement of the civil society. In a context of withdrawal, erection of walls and privatization of the public space, some actors and participative initiatives contribute to the resubjectivation of the inhabitants, to the social opening up and thus affirm the necessity to make common and to create alternative horizons in the breaches of the planned city.

With Lala Panait, István Szakáts, Marko Aksentijevic and Bianca Felseghi

The concept of a resilient city is defined as the ability of an urban system to absorb a disturbance and recover its functions as a result of this disturbance. But beyond the technological aspects, building material resistance, resilience is an interesting prospect for questioning urban services, relations between rulers and citizens and more broadly the resources brought by the city. The participation of citizens in the (re) construction of this city is then essential as well as developing a more horizontal mode of governance, a greater involvement of the civil society. In a context of withdrawal, erection of walls and privatization of the public space, some actors and participative initiatives contribute to the resubjectivation of the inhabitants, to the social opening up and thus affirm the necessity to make common and to create alternative horizons in the breaches of the planned city.

With Lala Panait, István Szakáts, Marko Aksentijevic and Bianca Felseghi

With elections approaching as the victory of a liberal-conservative bloc, the European political space seems more than ever crossed by new tensions, original aspirations and protean social movements. In an astonishing similarity, the countries of Europe go through many a crisis of their system of representativity, whose authoritarian and authoritarian discourses emerge victorious. At the same time, many democratic aspirations are united behind a citizen's desire for greater social and economic justice and for a more ethical political life. How to explain, after a long progressive stability marked by the end of history, this success of candidatures combining societal conservatism and economic liberalism. To discuss this European political space animated by these tensions: Jean-Michel De Waele, University of the Free University of Brussels, Antoine Heemerick, anthropologist and journalist at Radio Romania International and Chloé Ridel politest and co-funder of Mieux Voter. Moderator: Sergiu Miscoiu Director of European Studies of Babes-Bolyai University.

With elections approaching as the victory of a liberal-conservative bloc, the European political space seems more than ever crossed by new tensions, original aspirations and protean social movements. In an astonishing similarity, the countries of Europe go through many a crisis of their system of representativity, whose authoritarian and authoritarian discourses emerge victorious. At the same time, many democratic aspirations are united behind a citizen's desire for greater social and economic justice and for a more ethical political life. How to explain, after a long progressive stability marked by the end of history, this success of candidatures combining societal conservatism and economic liberalism. To discuss this European political space animated by these tensions: Jean-Michel De Waele, University of the Free University of Brussels, Antoine Heemerick, anthropologist and journalist at Radio Romania International and Chloé Ridel politest and co-funder of Mieux Voter. Moderator: Sergiu Miscoiu Director of European Studies of Babes-Bolyai University.

The cultural field is formed both by public and independent institutions serving a public goal. Both of these types of operators can provide examples of situations in which one needs to struggle either to justify their reason of existence, or their financial needs. Meanwhile, the concept of auto-sustainability grants more and more ground. How does this relate to culture conceived as a public good? *The same name workshop preceding this panel will focus on providing an in-depth view on some legal notions around cultural public policies in Romania. Feedback and questions raised within the workshop by the participants may be referred in this panel.

With Lorand Maxim, Miki Braniște, Iulia Popovici and Adrian Rista

The cultural field is formed both by public and independent institutions serving a public goal. Both of these types of operators can provide examples of situations in which one needs to struggle either to justify their reason of existence, or their financial needs. Meanwhile, the concept of auto-sustainability grants more and more ground. How does this relate to culture conceived as a public good? *The same name workshop preceding this panel will focus on providing an in-depth view on some legal notions around cultural public policies in Romania. Feedback and questions raised within the workshop by the participants may be referred in this panel.

With Lorand Maxim, Miki Braniște, Iulia Popovici and Adrian Rista

The crisis of representative democracy crosses Europe, bringing with it a deep questioning of intermediate bodies (political parties, unions or associations) but also of media. This crisis, illustrated by the high rates of abstention and the electoral successes of the authoritarian and authoritarian parties, does not mean a democratic decline, in fact, there is at the same time a deep democratic aspiration born by spontaneous initiatives through Europe with original or renewed ways of mobilization. The movement of Gilets Jaunes in France or waves of mobilization against corruption in Romania are examples.

The European situation is a symbol of what is happening across the continent, a rejection of institutions, and a difficulty to act together. Through the eyes of NGOs, media, academics and former politicians we will discuss here the place of each of these actors in the democratization that must take place in Europe today, and in the capacity of these actors. last to do together to build an alternative model to our broken democracies.

With Andrei Bulearca, Bianca Felseghi, Péter Eckstein-Kovács and Aleksandar Matkovic

The crisis of representative democracy crosses Europe, bringing with it a deep questioning of intermediate bodies (political parties, unions or associations) but also of media. This crisis, illustrated by the high rates of abstention and the electoral successes of the authoritarian and authoritarian parties, does not mean a democratic decline, in fact, there is at the same time a deep democratic aspiration born by spontaneous initiatives through Europe with original or renewed ways of mobilization. The movement of Gilets Jaunes in France or waves of mobilization against corruption in Romania are examples.

The European situation is a symbol of what is happening across the continent, a rejection of institutions, and a difficulty to act together. Through the eyes of NGOs, media, academics and former politicians we will discuss here the place of each of these actors in the democratization that must take place in Europe today, and in the capacity of these actors. last to do together to build an alternative model to our broken democracies.

With Andrei Bulearca, Bianca Felseghi, Péter Eckstein-Kovács and Aleksandar Matkovic

Chances of plurilingualism in Europe as a tool for practicing participative democracy (13 June). From the anthropological point of view humans evolved language as a mean for social communication, to tie social bonds, then by sharing feelings and thoughts they further developed it to formulate knowledge in a creative way. Plurilingualism has been a natural status of communities throughout most of history, as well as the adoption of certain languages as lingua franca or even the creation of hibrid languages for communicating across linguistic communities has been frequent. How did language become a tool for political dominance manipulated by nationalism and colonialism in modernity? What are the forms of surviving plurilinguism in Europe? What are the specificities of language practices in the context of Western and Eastern Europe? And what can we learn from each other today in order to maintain and develop plurilingualism in Europe as a tool for practicing participative democracy?

With Róbert SCHWARTZ , László Fosztó, Csilla KÖNCZEI and Ingo Tegge

Chances of plurilingualism in Europe as a tool for practicing participative democracy (13 June). From the anthropological point of view humans evolved language as a mean for social communication, to tie social bonds, then by sharing feelings and thoughts they further developed it to formulate knowledge in a creative way. Plurilingualism has been a natural status of communities throughout most of history, as well as the adoption of certain languages as lingua franca or even the creation of hibrid languages for communicating across linguistic communities has been frequent. How did language become a tool for political dominance manipulated by nationalism and colonialism in modernity? What are the forms of surviving plurilinguism in Europe? What are the specificities of language practices in the context of Western and Eastern Europe? And what can we learn from each other today in order to maintain and develop plurilingualism in Europe as a tool for practicing participative democracy?

With Róbert SCHWARTZ , László Fosztó, Csilla KÖNCZEI and Ingo Tegge