David Roberts of Vox, says that Biden's climate strategy targets many key areas that scientists say must be addressed. David Roberts joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

If Biden and the corporate Democrats continue to deny the real concerns of populist movements, they will ensure a new Trump will emerge. Thomas Frank joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

https://vimeo.com/441190601

If Biden and the corporate Democrats continue to deny the real concerns of populist movements, they will ensure a new Trump will emerge. Thomas Frank joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

Transcript

Paul JayHi, I'm Paul Jay. Welcome to the Analysis.news podcast. This is Part Three of my discussion with Thomas Frank about his book, 'The People, No'.So, Thomas, talk more about the mindset and how origins of this, at least modern origins, of this mindset within the elite of the Democratic Party and amongst the elites of the oligarchy, much of it actually on Wall Street, who kind of position themselves as being the anti-right, but really hate the left popular movement.

Thomas FrankThere's this fascinating moment, Paul, where the word itself, populism, gets flipped and it goes from being a positive thing, you know, the sort of left-wing worker, farmer/worker movement in the 1890s, it goes from that to be a very negative thing to being, something fearful and dreadful. You know, something that's paranoid and suspicious, and pathological and anti-Semitic. And that moment when that happens is in the 1950s. It's a really fascinating place where the writing of history intersects, with history itself, with the making of history.

And the man who is probably single-handedly most responsible for this is Richard Hofstadter, the greatest American historian of his day, probably of the 20th century, and aside here. I got a Ph.D. in American history, that's what I had meant to do with my life when I was young. I was a big admirer of Hofstadter when I was younger and really looked up to him. He's an elegant writer and an elegant thinker. You know, he brings together these two, these sort of two great functions of a historian, and I thought he was absolutely wonderful. I really looked up to him when I was younger. But now I'm an adult, and I look back at his masterpiece, which is a book that came out in 1955 called, 'The Age of Reform', and now as an adult see very clearly what this book is. It was meant as a history of different reform movements in American life. And, you know talking about which ones succeeded and which ones failed. And it was a vicious attack on populism, on the populist movement of the 1890s. But now, as an adult, I can see that it was something else at the same time. It was a manifesto for Hofstadter's generation, so it was these two things at the same time.

And let's begin by saying this is the book that really turned the tables on populism and made it into a negative term, a term that you applied to authoritarians and to people like Donald Trump. Hofstetter went back and looked at the original populist movement and said it was, "it was pathological. It was an expression of status anxiety. Farmers were people who were on their way down, and because they were on their way down, they imagined all these scapegoats for their problems, and, you know, they were cranks. They rejected expertise, they were anti-intellectual, and above all, they were anti-Semitic". And he actually tried to blame anti-Semitism in America, all of it, basically, on populism, which is ridiculous, which is utterly fatuous, but he said that. This book was massively influential, it was a big bestseller. It won the Pulitzer Prize, it has been described as the most influential work of American history ever published. And Hofstadter's larger idea, as I said, it was a manifesto for his generation and his sociological cohort.

What I mean by that is he said there are two models for reform. One of them is the populist model, a mass movement of working-class people. And that's how you get reform by bringing together people at the bottom, and he said that doesn't work. We can see that doesn't work because populism was a pat...

If Biden and the corporate Democrats continue to deny the real concerns of populist movements, they will ensure a new Trump will emerge. Thomas Frank joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

Corporate Democrats despise the left wing of the party and the popular movements that support them. Thomas Frank joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

Corporate Democrats despise the left wing of the party and the popular movements that support them. Thomas Frank joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

Corporate Democrats despise the left wing of the party and the popular movements that support them. Thomas Frank joins Paul Jay on theAnalysis.news podcast.

The climate emergency and the pandemic require us to build a broad popular front that fights for democratization and public ownership in critical areas like health care, fossil fuels, finance, and arms production. Paul Jay is a guest on 'Economics and Beyond' hosted by Rob Johnson of INET.

The climate emergency and the pandemic require us to build a broad popular front that fights for democratization and public ownership in critical areas like health care, fossil fuels, finance, and arms production. Paul Jay is a guest on 'Economics and Beyond' hosted by Rob Johnson of INET.

The climate emergency and the pandemic require us to build a broad popular front that fights for democratization and public ownership in critical areas like health care, fossil fuels, finance, and arms production. Paul Jay is a guest on 'Economics and Beyond' hosted by Rob Johnson of INET.