Christopher asks, 'why didn't adversaries to Rome (especially on the Italian peninsula) see the methods by which Rome consistently recovered from defeat and tried to emulate them?'

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In the latest episode of the Ancient Warfare Magazine podcast, Marc De Santis speaks with Murray Dahm about his new book, Roman Soldier vs Dacian Warrior: Dacian Wars AD 85–106.

The wars between Rome and Dacia were some of the most intense and strategically important conflicts of the early 2nd century AD. Fought during the reign of Emperor Domitian and later under Trajan, these battles saw the disciplined Roman legions face off against the determined warriors of Dacia. The struggle ended with Rome’s annexation of Dacia, a victory commemorated on Trajan’s Column in Rome.

Murray’s new book, published by Osprey, examines the tactics, weaponry, and battlefield experiences of both Roman soldiers and their Dacian opponents. In this episode, he discusses the challenges faced by both sides, the effectiveness of Dacian weapons—such as the falx—and how Rome adapted its military approach to counter the threat.

Listen to the episode to learn more about one of Rome’s toughest adversaries and the warfare that shaped the empire’s northern frontier.

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This question came via a comment on an earlier podcast.

'Which type of armour did the legions under Caesar and Augustus use? I understand the lorica segmentata was adopted later, but was it used during Octavian's era? 

Additionally, I've found references to three types of scuta (shields): the curved oval used by late Republican soldiers, a slightly curved rectangular version, and the iconic rectangular scutum seen in reliefs of Trajan and Aurelius. Could you clarify which types of shields were used during Augustus' later reign and the periods of Germanicus and Vespasian?'

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Shabbi poses this intriguing question,'how vulnerable were armies during the Bronze and Iron Ages to lightning strikes, whether on the battlefield or while marching, given their use of metal weapons, armour, and formations in open areas? 

Could such vulnerability have influenced ancient religions, particularly the widespread belief in storm and lightning gods in various unconnected cultures (like Zeus, Thor, and Indra)? For example, could events like lightning strikes swaying the tide of battle (if such an event is plausible) explain why so many societies independently developed lightning-wielding deities?'

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These questions came via postcard from Michael in Boston.

'What really happened at the battle of Lugdunum (197 CE)? I've read that this battle might have been the largest in Roman history - do you agree?

I've also read that this battle lasted multiple days. How does that work? Did both sides retire at night and resume fighting in the morning, or was skirmishing constant throughout?'

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Two great questions here for Murray on the topic of usurpers.

'It seems Legio VII Gemina raised by Galba in AD 68 in Hispania is quite unique. In terms of being a creation by a usurper. Are there any other similar units raised usurpers and retained by victors? Also, what province Ancient Warfare crew consider the best in terms of starting usurpation/rise of the new Emperor?'

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'For those trying to win wars in the ancient world, large armies were a necessity. However, the personal prestige earned from a victory in single combat was still unmatched.'

In this episode, the AW team discuss issue XVII.6 Duels to the Death: Single Combat in Antiquity.

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For the first episode of 2025, we have this from @mrookeward, who asks Murray to explore some of the tropes (or not tropes) for 'uniforms'. E.g. the Spartan lambda shield, or ancient Egyptian headwear.

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Murray answers four questions in just one episode sent in by David: 1. Were the legions largely (or even completely) replaced by the foederati by the seventh century CE? 2. What do we know about the ethnic makeup of the armies that fought for pagan Rome in the wars of the first centuries BCE and CE (largely legionaries from southern Europe?) compared to the armies that fought for Byzantine Rome in the seventh-century wars (largely “barbarians”?), including Heraclius’s reconquest of Jerusalem in 628 CE from the Persian Sassanid empire? 3. Do you have a view (either way) on the argument—made most compellingly by Tom Holland in his 2014 book, In the Shadow of the Sword—that the Byzantine Roman army of the early seventh century was made up largely of fighters from the southern Levant and northern Arabia (where the Ghassanids came from)? 4. Could Arab forces that formerly made up the Foederati have “declared independence” from Rome in the third decade of the seventh century and ultimately have conquered the Levant from the Romans in the 630s (before engaging in civil war among themselves and the descendants of the Lakhmids, who had fought on behalf of the Sassanid empire three decades later)? In other words, might Muhammad and his original followers all have been former Foederati, who turned against their former Eastern Roman clients, much like the Gothic barbarians did against their former Western Roman clients a couple centuries earlier?

'We’ve all heard of ancient armies catapulting corpses and manure over walls in sieges, but is the modern intuition that this was to promote illness in those cities correct? Are there any primary sources that describe flinging corpses in order to make the defenders sick, or was it more likely just out of convivence for the attackers?' Thanks Thomas for sending that in.

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