Building Local Power

Building Local Power

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Building Local Power episodes

  • With Whole Foods Deal, Amazon’s Empire Grows (Episode 28)

    The latest Building Local Power podcast episode features a discussion between ILSR initiative director Christopher Mitchell and co-director Stacy Mitchell on the Amazon-Whole Foods deal. The conversation features a number of issues, including why Amazon’s growth isn’t that innovative after all due to their market power as a crushing force for consolidation. Much of the conversation is an extension of our Amazon’s Stranglehold report, co-authored by Stacy and ILSR researcher Olivia LaVecchia.

    Amazon’s role as a marketplace, a distributor, and as a producer of items paired with their ability to sell below cost marks it as a formidable force of consolidation in the American economy. As Stacy says, “concentration begets concentration.”

    Can another company come along and unseat them? I think it’s pretty remarkable that it’s now been quite a few years since we’ve seen an internet company come along and change things. Facebook, Google, Apple, Amazon, those guys are getting pretty old at this point, and there is no new entity that has come along, in part, because if one gets to be too successful, one of those big companies either pushes it out of the market in a predatory way, or they buy it up. How is it that we’re going to see a new competitor come along and challenge Amazon?

    Transcript

    Christopher Mitchell:
    Hey, Stacy.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Hey, Chris, how are you?
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Hey, I’m doing pretty good. I’m curious if you have a number for us for this week.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    It’s 465.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    465, what is that?
    Stacy Mitchell:
    That’s the number of Whole Foods stores that are now owned by Amazon.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Yes, and we can say “now owned” because we waited a little bit to get a sense of what was happening before doing the show rather than just rushing in like other people. This week we’re going to be talking about Amazon’s acquisition of Whole Foods and some more monopoly power type stuff. Stacey is the famous Stacey Mitchell of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance out in Portland, Maine. I am Chris, the less-famous Mitchell of the Minnesota office. I work on broadband issues. Stacey works on independent businesses, and we’re a part of the team here at the Institute for Local Self-Reliance that’s fighting to build local power to make sure that communities are strong, and that we’re all happy to wake up tomorrow morning. I think that’s kind of a good summary.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    That’s right.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Let’s talk about Amazon, let’s just maybe some basic facts to refresh people’s memories and maybe people just heard about it without really getting into it. What exactly happened? To be clear, this is Amazon. It’s not Jeff Bezos personally, as in the acquisition of Washington Post. I think those are important distinction.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    That’s right. Back in mid-June Amazon announced its intention to acquire Whole Foods, the chain of natural foods grocery stores. Just about six weeks later it was quietly approved by the Federal Trade Commission, or the FTC. It was approved with lightning speed in what we can only assume was a fairly cursory review of the issues. This is despite the fact that a lot of people, including people in the food industry, folks like us who study concentrated market power, legal scholars, members of Congress, a lot of folks had raised serious concerns about this merger. Yet, it appears that the FTC approved it rather quickly and didn’t take a deep look at what those issues are.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    You say “appears”, this is an interesting point that goes along with the speed, which is that we don’t really know because, what’d they issue, three sentences in terms of their decision?
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Yeah, it’s really remarkable the lack of transparency. Yeah, it was a total of three very basic sentences in their statement that said that this merger had been approved. There’s no further explanation in terms of how they chose to look at this deal, whether there were particular things that they tried to evaluate, what went into their thinking. Again, this despite the fact that there had been enormous amount of public discussion of it, and rather than sort of supporting that kind of active democratic engagement and oversight the FTC is, basically, this opaque black hole. We don’t know what they looked at.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Why is this something that rises to the level of us talking about it? What’s the big deal? I think a number of people might just think, “Well, Whole Foods is just some place where relatively wealthy, young, often white families go, and who really cares about them anyway?”
    Stacy Mitchell:
    I think the concern for me is that Amazon has monopoly power in online retail. They are capturing almost one out of every two dollars that Americans spend online. They’re also the place where 55% of all online shopping searches start. People are no longer starting at Google or a search engine, they’re starting directly at Amazon. They have this tremendous market power online, and there are various ways in which Amazon is going to use Whole Foods to really augment and solidify its hold over online commerce.

    It’s also going to begin to blur the lines between online and offline retail. What we’re seeing is the beginning of Amazon taking its monopoly power online and then beginning to extend that into the physical world of retail. That has huge implications for all of us, for the economy as a whole, for innovation, competition, for consumers, for workers. Those are the deeper issues. It’s easy, I think, to look at Whole Foods and say, “Well, they’re a relatively minor player in the grocery industry.” As you noted, they’re a sort of niche player for a set of sort of affluent, mostly urban customers. That’s true, but they’re a foothold into one of the most pivotal, important sectors of the consumer goods industry, which is, of course, food.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    When I think about Saint Paul, Minnesota where I live, and I very much want to keep living, I think about good jobs and how to make sure that the community has, not just high tech jobs and jobs for people that have college degrees, graduate degrees and what not, but also jobs for people that may only have a high school degree or didn’t finish high school. One of those places is the grocery stores. Because many of them are unionized they have a means of employing people, and those people know that they’ll have a future. They have some job security, they have some decent wages and things like that. I think maybe you could just describe for us what life is like as a grocery store today because this isn’t somewhere where they’re like, “Oh, we’ll just trim down our margin a little bit and we’ll still be okay.” This is sort of an area in which Amazon could make a huge difference because it’s already kind of already on a thin margin, right?
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Yeah. We’ve seen throughout Amazon’s history it has used its ability to lose a lot of money in order to take market share. It did this for many years in books where it would sell books below its own cost. Of course, if you’re a bookseller or a publisher you can’t compete with that because you have nowhere to make that up. Amazon could do that because its investors were willing to allow it to post losses. It sold books at a loss, and then we’ve seen it consistently do this. It will strategically sell below cost in order to push competitors out of the market.

    The question now is are we going to begin to see that in the grocery sector, which, it’s a sector with very thin margins. How is that going to affect competing retailers who don’t have the luxury, particularly independent stores, of losing money for years on end in order to stay in the market? Also, how is it going to affect suppliers, farmers and others? The way that Amazon ultimately finances that below-cost selling is partly, as I mentioned, through the willingness of its investors, the willingness of Wall Street not to require profits, but also by squeezing fees and margin from suppliers.

    The food sector is one of the few bright spots in the economy. In fact, the Federal Reserve just came out with this book a few weeks ago where they talk about how in both urban and rural areas the growth of local and regional food systems, food manufacturing at a smaller regional scale, retail systems and so on, that has been a real driver for some goodness in local economies, some new growth and economic vitality in places that were missing it. Amazon could really change that. It could come in and put pressure in a way that pushes down returns to those producers, to their workers. We’ve seen this in the book industry. The average author income is down about 30%, and many people in that industry say that’s because of Amazon flexing its muscle and demanding bigger discounts. Are we now going to see that same thing in the food sector?

    As you noted, a lot of grocery stores are unionized, and workers earn a family-supporting wage with benefits in those jobs. Amazon has a very different labor model. It has a kind of 19th Century labor model that pays very low wages, uses a lot of temps and increasingly automates jobs. When we think about what this means for us on the income side of the ledger in terms of our ability to get decent work to have thriving local economies, there’s a lot of reason to be concerned.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    One of the reactions that I see from people is to say, “Well, I really like Amazon. Amazon’s a brilliant business in terms of how they do business. Maybe this will be terrific because Amazon is going to lower the prices of food and things like that.” Now, just ignoring for a second, obviously, that the cost may go up in the future, I’m curious for people who like Amazon, can you just cite some of the examples? You mentioned the books, but are there other examples in which we have a sense that Amazon will ultimately be abusing its power in order to run others out of business?
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Amazon has done this with upstart rivals in the e-commerce space. One good example is Zappos, the shoe retailer. This was a company that came along selling shoes online, really built a unique and beloved business doing that. Amazon decided one day that they wanted to own that business. They went to Zappos and tried to buy them, and the founders were not interested in selling, and so Amazon responded by beginning to sell shoes at a loss and offering free shipping. Zappos, in order to continue to compete, had to match those, and it just started bleeding money. It was just losing so much money. Finally, the company just couldn’t do that any longer and they gave in, and now Zappos is owned by Amazon. We saw Amazon do this with Diapers.com. They have this pattern of using their muscle to eliminate competitors that come along that might challenge them. That’s bad for consumers. At this point I don’t even know if a business that had a good online retail strategy could even get financing. What bank, what investor would want to fund that given what we know Amazon is going to do?
    Christopher Mitchell:
    I think that’s such a key point, and something that people don’t always appreciate is that this impact in terms of who gets investment to build those next business, it will prevent all kinds of ideas from ever coming out, and we’ll never know that had lost them. One of the things that you focused on in a recent editorial in which it was entitled “Amazon is trying to control the underlying infrastructure of our economy”, and it was in Motherboard a few months ago. I think people think of Amazon as another competitor, but you’re arguing that, basically, Amazon is both the distributor, it’s basically the marketplace, and it’s figuring out how to torpedo those who are using it. It’s almost like a Hollywood monster, frankly.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Yeah, that’s right, yeah, the many-headed Hydra. Yeah, Amazon, it’s vastly more of a threat to competition. It’s like an order of magnitude more of a threat to competition than, say, Walmart because Amazon isn’t a retailer. It’s easy to think of them as a retailer. They’re the biggest seller of books, toys, electronics, clothing online or off. They’re a huge retailer, and we tend to think of them that way, but that’s not really what they are at their core. What they’re interested in is controlling, as I said in that Op-Ed, the underlying infrastructure of the economy. They want to own the rails, essentially, that all the other businesses that want to sell you stuff have to ride in order to get to you.

    One of those pieces is the online platform. I mentioned that most online shopping now starts on Amazon’s platform rather than going through a search engine, so, effectively, they’re precluding competition right out of the gate, they’ve figured out how to do that. For anybody else, any other retailer or manufacturer that wants to sell online, increasingly what that means is that they have to become a third-party seller on Amazon’s platform because if they’re just doing it through their own website there’s less and less traffic, there’s less and less ways that anyone can even discover them because people are starting right on Amazon.

    Then the other two big pieces of Amazon’s infrastructure, one is the Cloud, they control over a third of the world’s Cloud computing capacity, everyone from Netflix to the CIA uses Amazon. Then the last piece that they’re building out quite rapidly right now, in which the acquisition of Whole Foods is really helping them do, is shipping and package delivery. Amazon is now freighting goods from China across the ocean. They’ve got cargo planes that they’ve leased. They’ve got a big network of delivery points and warehouses. They’ve got their own trucks that they’ve leased. They’re doing their own deliveries in a growing number of cities. Their idea is not only deliver their own packages, but to, basically, begin to displace UPS, the postal service, and become the package delivery service, again, that anybody who wants to have a package arrive on your doorstep is going to have to use.

    The importance of this, it’s just so critical, because what it means is that Amazon, in effect, has set up a system where it owns the rails, and therefore it can privilege its own goods and products on those rails. If it wants to knock other sellers off and take the buy box for itself on its platform it can and does that all the time. It decides, “We want to be a big player in apparel, everybody else we’re going to shove to the side.” It’s able to privilege its own goods. Then for the parts of the market that it doesn’t really want to deal with for one way or another, it just levies, effectively, a tax on all those other companies that are selling goods that it doesn’t really want to deal in, it gets a cut of that.

    It’s incredibly powerful and, basically, Amazon can toggle back and forth between those two sides of its business in ways that amplify its market power in the other. The best analogy in history, as I said, is the railroads, but in a way this is a novel kind of setup that we’ve never seen before. What is happening is that we are moving from an open market that’s governed by democratic rules to a market that is, effectively, privatized, that is an arena run by Amazon as opposed to run by a set of rules designed to encourage competition.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    I think that leads to an interesting question, which is that you’ve convinced me, and I hope many other people, that Amazon is, indeed, not winning on a fair, level playing field. They are doing things to manipulate the playing field to benefit themselves over their rivals. I think that is something we should be deeply concerned about. Other people just focus on how Amazon is incredibly innovative, and I think none of us would deny that. They are very good at what they do, even just ignoring all the, perhaps, underhanded things. Just the fact that they innovate. They find ways of driving cost down. They do all kinds of great technical things in an efficient manner. For someone who just looks at that side, let’s just say that Amazon is not doing anything underhanded, but just is such a great competitor that they’re going to run everyone else out of business because they’re so good at running their businesses. Is that something we should worry about?
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Amazon is incredibly innovative. It’s important when we think about this not to conflate the technological innovations that Amazon has brought with the implications of its market power. If you look at how Jeff Bezos’ response to questions about this, he’s got a very clever way of essentially saying, “All these other industries are being hurt, not because we’re incredibly dominate, but because of this evolution in technology.”

    We have to remember that we can have the evolution in technology. We can have the benefits that Amazon has brought, and Amazon can continue to be a competitor, while also taking steps to ensure that competition is open and the next company that’s going to come along and invent a really incredible great thing has a chance to get started, because that’s the problem right now. The next company that might have a great idea, there’s no oxygen left. They’re going to be strangled in their infancy by Amazon before they even get started.

    We used to, in the middle of the 20th Century and early part of the 20th Century, we used to take a much more aggressive stance with regard to proactively promoting competition. In the 1940s we went after AT&T, and the federal government said, “You’re sitting on all these patents for these great technologies. You have to actually license those patents.” The federal government did this with a number of other companies.

    The result was that AT&T continued to be there and continued to innovate. These patents were, then, available to all these other companies and, overall, the economy, society, consumers benefited. We got this best-of-both-worlds, and I think that’s now how we really have to begin to approach Amazon. Incidentally, one of those patented technologies that was required to be unlocked from the AT&T vault was for the transistor, which, of course, led to the whole computer revolution. I think that’s the kind of mindset that we need to take and framework we need to take when we look at Amazon.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    In the Op-Ed that you wrote on Motherboard you quoted John Sherman, Senator and co-author of the Sherman Antitrust Act. He said, “If we will not endure a king as a political power, we should not endure a king over the production, transportation and sale of any of the necessities of life.” I think it’s a remarkable thing is to say in some ways it kind of plays into this idea that even if there’s an entity that’s really, really good at something, we still have to limit their power because we’re the kind of country that was built on the idea of decentralizing power and not letting anyone, even if they’re benevolent, be a king over us.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    That’s absolutely right, and it’s a quote that really speaks to the political nature of concentrated power, that this isn’t just about economics and markets. It’s also that when you concentrate that kind of power economically you, invariably, have political power, not only over government, the ability to persuade, lobby, donate cash, otherwise affect what government does, but, in effect, you control people’s livelihoods. There’s this sort of centralization of power that means we as individuals are less free.

    We have less liberty to go out there and ply our trade and operate in an open marketplace if that marketplace really isn’t open but is, in fact, controlled by this one entity. That’s a political issue as much as it is an economic one. We understood that for most of our history. From the Boston Tea Party, really, up until the 1970s, 1980s there was this sense that the purpose of breaking up these concentrations of power, keeping corporations in check, dispersing economic power, the reason for that was as much political as it was economic.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    One of the question that I really wanted to hit you with, and I think this is one of the harder ones, a little bit, is something I’ve heard. I heard a reporter framing it in this way saying that when this reporter had started off they were writing about Microsoft, and how people were worried that Microsoft would use its power over the operating system in the 90s to dominate the whole future of computing, and how that person does not own a single Microsoft product today. Oddly enough this person, basically, said, “So we never had to worry about Microsoft,” which I think is a totally false reading of history. Nonetheless, I think people would look at you, Stacey, and say, “Look, you said Walmart was going to kill everything and harm us, and now you’re talking about how Amazon is going to kill even Walmart. So, why should we worry about this when, maybe, the Amazon killer is right around the corner and this is the way things work?”
    Stacy Mitchell:
    Amazon has not killed Walmart, and I think it’s a good point as all eyes are on Amazon we should also take one back and look at Walmart. How Walmart has responded to Amazon’s power is that they’ve gone out and bought up a number of internet startups like ModCloth, Bonobos, eliminated these rival companies that may have come along and given us a more diverse marketplace. Then they’ve also entered into this partnership with Google where they’re going to be using Google Home as a way to do voice-controlled shopping.

    Essentially, we’re facing this potential future where it’s Amazon and Walmart, these two behemoths that will interconnected into our homes through the web, through voice-controlled speakers. We’ll have this integrated digital experience where we’ll ask our Echo or we’ll ask our Google Home to send us whatever the things we want. They will choose the product for us, and we’ll have a closed marketplace where other companies can’t break into that fortress.

    I continue to be incredibly concerned about Walmart’s market power. They’re a quarter of the entire grocery industry in this country and a huge percentage of everything else. There is a distinction, the one that we talked about, which is that Walmart doesn’t control this infrastructure as we talked about with Amazon. Amazon is this different beast, but it’s an illustration of how monopoly and concentration tends to beget concentration on its own. This is not a transition, but, really, a further consolidation of the market. Can another company come along and unseat them?

    I think it’s pretty remarkable that it’s now been quite a few years since we’ve seen an internet company come along and change things. Facebook, Google, Apple, Amazon, those guys are getting pretty old at this point, and there is no new entity that has come along, in part, because if one gets to be too successful, one of those big companies either pushes it out of the market in a predatory way, or they buy it up. How is it that we’re going to see a new competitor come along and challenge Amazon?

    Christopher Mitchell:
    There’s something that I’m curious how you’d react to, which is one of the ways that I react to and say, “Look, let’s just assume that in eight to 10 years another company is going to come along and defeat Amazon, and it’ll be a new one.” In some ways I feel like we’re a bunch of cute beagle puppies that are locked in a ring with two warring elephants. They’re stomping around and sometimes falling over, and sometimes a new elephant comes in. It kind of sucks to be the cute little puppies in that situation. Even if the elephants change identities and things like that, it’s not good for our communities.
    Stacy Mitchell:
    That’s exactly right. We published this report last November called “Amazon stranglehold”. One of the parts of the report that I think is so useful is that we spent some time talking about the importance of a diverse marketplace, and this is especially true in the retail sector. The more outlets that there are, the more different retailers that there are, the more chances that a company that comes along and produces a new product, the more opportunities they are going to have to be able to bring that product to market, to find one or two or three or a number of retailers that are willing to carry that and promote it to their customers.

    When that whole thing collapses and we just have a couple of dominate channels, if you’re a small company or a new company how are you going to get your product featured? You may be able to get it onto Amazon’s platform, but no one’s going to see it if it doesn’t show up in the search results in the first couple of pages or if it’s not otherwise featured or promoted. The same thing is true with shelf space at Walmart, so we basically cut off all of this diversity. That new business formation, that’s where we get a lot of our innovation over time. The best new ideas come from those new businesses. It’s also the source of most of the net job growth. It’s the vitality of our communities, all of those small and mid-sized businesses that make the places we live healthy, that give us a measure of control over our future at the local level because they’re owned locally, that matters.

    One of the arguments that we’ve been making at the Institute for Local Self-Reliance is that it’s not just a matter of taking markets that have one or two big players and making them markets with four or five big players. We need to think about market structure, that is, that having markets that have a mix of different size businesses that include lots of small and mid-size businesses as well as a few large businesses, that those industries are actually healthier, and we know this from a lot of economic research. That kind of mix also produces the healthiest communities and the healthiest democracy. The idea that we’re going to have Walmart and Amazon duking it out, and then maybe some other company, theoretically, might come along and knock Walmart out or knock Amazon out, that, really, does not present the kind of diverse economy that’s going to yield all the kinds of benefits that we know we get when we have a truly diverse mix of businesses in an industry.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    I would reference the interview you did two weeks ago with Gina Shaffer and talking about how when she built that hardware store in an area and how thrilled people were to have it there, how it helped lead to a revitalization of that neighborhood, these are the kinds of things that we’re talking about, those sort of side effects. I could talk to you all day, Stacy. I really enjoyed this conversation. I wanted to make sure that people are thinking about this.

    As we turn off this episode, please go and rate our show where ever you found it, on the Apple Podcast, on Stitcher, any other place you can find us, please give us a good rating. Tweet about it, tell your friends about these interviews. This show is edited by Lisa Gonzalez. It’s produced by Nick Stumo-Langer and Lisa. The music is by Disfunction Al. It’s a song called Funk Interlude. Thank you everyone, and thank you Stacy.

    Stacy Mitchell:
    Thank you, Chris.

     

    Like this episode? Please help us reach a wider audience by rating Building Local Power on iTunes or wherever you find your podcasts. And please become a subscriber! If you missed our previous episodes make sure to bookmark our Building Local Power Podcast Homepage.

    If you have show ideas or comments, please email us at [email protected]. Also, join the conversation by talking about #BuildingLocalPower on Twitter and Facebook!

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    Audio Credit: Funk Interlude by Dysfunction_AL Ft: Fourstones – Scomber (Bonus Track). Copyright 2016 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial (3.0) license.

    Photo Credit: By ChadPerez49 [CC BY-SA 4.0], from Wikimedia Commons.

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    28 min
  • Connecting Rural America: Internet Access for All (Episode 26)

    This week, our Building Local Power podcast contains a conversation between guest host Nick Stumo-Langer and ILSR researchers Hannah Trostle and Christopher Mitchell to discuss the importance of connectivity in rural America and the barriers high quality local investment. The group discusses a number of topics, including how electric cooperatives are changing the dynamic on who … Read More

    30 min
  • Fishing for Local Power (Episode 25)

    This week's episode of Building Local Power is a great conversation with a close ally and friend of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance. Niaz Dorry, coordinating director of the Northwest Atlantic Marine Alliance, sits down with hosts Christopher Mitchell and Stacy Mitchell to talk about the growing privatization of the fishing industry, how she organizes her fishing community, and the damage that large-scale fishing does to the environment and her local economy. … Read More

    35 min
  • Local Solar Power: Red Plus Blue Makes a Green Tea Party (Episode 24)

    In this week's episode of Building Local Power we interview Debbie Dooley, President of Conservatives for Energy Freedom and co-founder of the Green Tea Coalition in the southern United States. Dooley's organizations promote "consumer choice in the energy field" to "provide competition" and stop monopolies from limiting their customer's options in renewable energy. The Green Tea Coalition features a collaboration between members of the Tea Party Movement and progressives in the Green Party and the Democratic Party in Georgia and other southern states.… Read More

    33 min
  • How Big Businesses Get Big Subsidies (Episode 23)

    In this episode of our podcast, Building Local Power, ILSR's Stacy Mitchell interviews Greg LeRoy of Good Jobs First about the tax incentive packages that governments give to big corporations, and how local governments can do economic development better.… Read More

    26 min
  • Why Local Self-Reliance? (Episode 22)

    In this episode of Building Local Power, host Christopher Mitchell, of our Community Broadband Networks initiative, interviews ILSR co-founder David Morris about the history of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance and why the message of local self-reliance is as relevant today as it was in the 1970s. This wide-ranging conversation takes in the role that new communications technology is facilitating concentration and how cities are rising to the moment by exerting their own power.

    No matter whether you’re a conservative or a radical, you hate your utility company, and you hate your utility company because it’s a monopoly, and it’s remote, and it’s not responsive, and for a whole bunch of reasons. So when you’re starting to talk about energy that can be harnessed at the local level, and the rooftop level, and the neighborhood level, and the metropolitan level, people are extremely enthusiastic. That cuts across ideologies, and it’s that political, I think, as well as environmental dynamic that’s the most important of all. — David Morris

    Reading Recommendations

    Get caught up with the latest work from the Institute for Local Self-Reliance on fighting monopoly power across a variety of sectors:

    From Christopher Mitchell:

    Available here: https://cyber.harvard.edu/events/2011/10/benkler.

    From David Morris:

    Available here: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/51306.Mutual_Aid.

    Transcript

    Christopher Mitchell:
    David, when I tell people that I work for the Institute for Local Self-Reliance, they’ll often say, “Who could be against that?” So let me ask you, in 43 years of experience, who is against local self-reliance?
    David Morris:
    Well, in one respect, no one’s against local self-reliance if you define it as communities, you define it as mutual aid, you define it as self-help, so in that sense, both conservatives and liberals and radicals are all in favor of local self-reliance, but if you define it as the exercise of collective authority at the local level in order to make rules that can establish a firm wealth-producing economy, then you do tend to get a difference of opinion.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    You start to make enemies.
    David Morris:
    You start to make enemies. Conservatives are all for decentralization of political authority, as long as it’s not an exercise of political authority. Liberals would like a centralization or have, traditionally until very recently, wanted the federal government to exercise significant authority because they thought communities were parochial and racist and xenophobic, so both of them subscribe to the concept of local self-reliance, but they are very different when you’re talking about the exercise of authority and power.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    And this is what we’re going to be talking about today, local self-reliance, what does it mean? Where does it come from? Where are we going? Those sorts of things. I’m Chris Mitchell with the Institute for Local Self-Reliance. I direct our broadband work, and David Morris, one of the co-founders of the organization is back with us for, I believe, a third episode of Building Local Power.
    David Morris:
    Thanks, Chris, for having me on for a third episode.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Well, many more are on the way, I have no doubt. So let’s explore this, and maybe we’ll start at the beginning, a time in which there was a polarizing president, discussion of horrible corruption at the federal level, a president under attack, 1974, not the modern era, so you get together with a couple of friends and decide you’re going to create the Institute for Local Self-Reliance. What did you have in mind, in terms of what was the idea of what local self-reliance meant then?
    David Morris:
    Well, local self-reliance in 1974 and in 2017 means a focus on cities, and a focus on cities for a number of different reasons. One is that historically, cities are the basis of innovation. That goes back hundreds and even a thousand years. The second is that in the United States, the population shifts are such that we went from being a rural nation before 1920, to being an urban nation, to being an almost entirely urban urban nation. 80% of the people in the United States live in cities.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    When you say “cities”, some people might think metro areas of more than a million people, but having worked with you, my sense is you actually just mean defined units. You’re not talking about a specific scale. It’s more the idea of people that live in close proximity to each other.
    David Morris:
    It’s people who live in close proximity to each other and also that have a certain amount of authority to make decisions on their own behalf collectively, yes. And it could be a city of 10,000 people. In fact, if you take a look at what used to be the Bureau of Statistics, when we used to have a Bureau of Statistics at the federal level, and you take a look, you’ll find that there’s a greater population in the United States in smaller cities than there are in larger cities.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    So the third factor, what was that?
    David Morris:
    The third factor was that cities have become increasingly competent. They have created an internal capacity, and that wasn’t true in the 19th century, that wasn’t true in the early 20th century. It was early 20th century when cities began to essentially run municipal electric utilities, run their streetcar companies.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Water and sewer.
    David Morris:
    Water and sewer. They also began to develop the municipal planning profession. They began to create data so they could compare each other on the basis of efficiencies and that has continued, and so cities are now very capable. The fourth reason that we focus on cities is that’s where the rubber meets the road, and no matter what happens at the federal level, you feel it at the local level, and they have to clean up the mess. They have to enact. What you have is congress makes a law, and then the executive branch defines the regulations related to the law, and then the states have to, and then the localities have to interpret that and then put them down on the ground, and so when it comes to an energy crisis, for example, the federal government can worry about the oil reserves, but it’s the mayor that has to worry about your utility bills going up and people not being able to pay their utility bills.

    And the final reason for it, and a very important recent reason, is that technology is now decentralizing in its impact. In the 19th century and much of the 20th century, technology was centralizing when we shifted from renewable resources to fossil fuels to concentrated energy sources, we shifted from small to big. When we shifted from batch manufacturing to mass production, we shifted from small to big. When we shifted from wood to steel, we shifted from small to big, and so we created institutions and we created laws, and we even created behaviors that assumed that bigger was better, and bigger was more efficient, but at the end of the 20th century and certainly in the 21st century, technology is moving us in the other direction, and that means that cities are not on the outside looking in to these huge structures, whether they be power plants or whether they be steel mills, but they’re actually there where the economy, that is the real economy, the productive economy is increasingly based.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    One of the technologies that I would just highlight is the communications technology, which in many ways, led to that centralizing, I think, in that you had a telegraph which was one to one over great distances, and then eventually you had broadcast, which was one to many over great distances, but it’s only more recently when we have the possibility for many to many over the internet as people are connected that I think also leads to a different way of sharing information that leads to decentralization.
    David Morris:
    It does lead to decentralization, although one can have a whole ‘nother discussion here about whether the internet has led to decentralization or centralization in many ways because it does allow for a corporate control which we’ve never had before, a very intimate corporate control.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Right. There’s billions of websites, but Facebook has billions of users, and there’s no sense of how you’d ever take them on.
    David Morris:
    That’s exactly right. Billions and billions and billions of us communicating with each other every day, and there’s about half a dozen corporations that own that process.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Most of it, yes. So what I’m interested in really making sure we hit on is the trend, because it strikes me, having worked for ILSR for the last 10 years, that I’m really hearing the glory days in the sense that you started this focus on cities at a time when cities were, if anything, becoming less popular. People were fleeing cities for many years. Budgets were difficult. I live in a time now, and I’m working in a time in which everyone wants to live in cities. Not everyone, but they’re incredibly sexy. People are flocking to them. I think budgets are looking better than they have in decades. So what can you tell us about the change over this time with that sense of the city as an exciting place?
    David Morris:
    Well, that’s a very good summary, actually. In 1974, people were still fleeing the Detroits, and the Clevelands, and the old industrial cities, the Pittsburghs and the like, and everybody was talking about the growth of the suburbs and the shrinking, especially of the central cities, at that time, and so the institute was promoting an idea that had relatively little currency. The environmentalists hated cities. They hated cities because they thought that they were resource-consuming, that they in fact exploited the land in a poor way.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    There was a sense at one time that the solution to pollution is dilution, and so cities, you just concentrated all the pollution. If you just could spread it out, it wouldn’t be as much of a problem.
    David Morris:
    That’s exactly right. I sometimes tell the story when someone asks, “So what would a good rule be that’s sort of a local self-reliance principle in the environmental movement?” And I talk about the 1970 Clean Air Act, and the 1970 Clean Air Act essentially said that in order to deal with the particulate pollution that was coming out of the smokestacks in cities where people lived, you would raise the height of the smokestacks, and what that then created was a regional problem of acid rain and the like, and I thought, “Well, what about if instead of that, we had a law that said that the end of the smokestack had to be curved, and the end of it would come into the boardroom of the corporation?” And I bet you that if we did that, that is if we married responsibility and authority, we would have heard about clean and zero emission manufacturing a generation ago.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    If you were listening to another podcast right now, they might take a break because Goldman Sachs had bought advertisements on their show, but we don’t do that, and it’s not because we’re against advertising, but because the model is much harder for small businesses, and so we hope that you’re going to be supporting us with a donation through archive.ilsr.org, our website, and we certainly hope that you’re also patronizing your local businesses for whom doing centralized advertising on podcasts may not work as well, and if you enjoyed this show, certainly consider other podcasts like our Community Broadband Bits. If you like my voice, you can hear a lot more of it there, and Local Energy Rules with John Farrell, where they’ve recently been talking about solar power and electric vehicles. Pretty exciting stuff.

    Coming back from our short break, we recently did a digitizing project in which we were looking back at old columns that you had written, David, and in the ’80’s, you wrote about 3D printing, and how 3D printing could fundamentally change the economy, and it’s happening now, certainly, and we’re seeing this incredible new technology that really lends itself to local manufacturing on a small scale. What are some of these other technologies?

    David Morris:
    Well, there’s many technologies like that. When I was writing about it in the late 1980’s, it was called desktop manufacturing, but certainly 3D printing is exactly what it is, but when we look at different aspects of the economy, for example in energy, it’s obvious to people in terms of energy, that it used to be that you had very specific parts of the globe that had resources that you could use to generate energy, and you dug them out, and you transported them long distances, and you burned them in either large power plants or through distribution networks at your gas stations and in your cars, and you created institutions, and you created a national infrastructure as a result of it, but the sunlight falls on your roof, and the wind blows through your backyard, and so when we’re talking about moving to renewable resources, we’re also talking about resources that can be claimed, that can be harnessed at the very, very local level, I mean, even at your rooftop level, and that’s been true forever, but the new technologies allow us actually to do that in an economical way and to generate electricity.

    Previously, in thousands of years, you generated heat and you generated mechanical power, but right now, you can generate electricity which is, of course, the premier form of energy. So that’s something that’s very, very new. It’s very new. In fact, in 1974 when the institute started, literally three months before that, 20 miles away from our headquarters, the first factory was set up that produced solar cells for terrestrial applications. They had been used for space satellites before that, and in a year’s output, it generated enough solar cells to power one house. That was 1974. And in 1999 was the first time where the amount of solar capacity that was installed connected to a grid exceeded the amount of solar capacity that was installed in remote cabins and remote outposts. So that’s less than 20 years ago.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    Let me ask you why that matters in the sense that certainly there’s less pollution from not digging fossil fuels up, transporting them long distances and whatnot, but what we care about is the electricity. Why does the economy care where it comes from?
    David Morris:
    Well, the economy doesn’t care where it comes from, absolutely, but politically, it has a dynamic that’s extremely different. No matter whether you’re a conservative or a radical, you hate your utility company, and you hate your utility company because it’s a monopoly, and it’s remote, and it’s not responsive, and for a whole bunch of reasons, and so when you’re starting to talk about energy that can be harnessed at the local level, and the rooftop level, and the neighborhood level, and the metropolitan level, people are extremely enthusiastic. That cuts across ideologies, and it’s that political, I think, as well as environmental dynamic that’s the most important of all.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Well, I just wanted to actually reinforce your point, and David, as you know, I love disagreeing with you. 75% of Americans, I think, undoubtedly hate their electric company because it’s mostly investor-owned companies that are not meeting their needs, but I was just in Newport, Tennessee, which has a municipal electric company, which is locally owned, and though they are a monopoly, I was talking with them about how they were viewed in the community. One of the things they told me was that their installers were often offered beer and people would be like, “Oh, you want a drink?” They just had such a good reputation, so this local does matter, certainly, I just wanted to throw that out there because I would hesitate for anyone who thinks that all the utility companies are hated. We see the municipal ones tend to be really loved.
    David Morris:
    No, that’s absolutely true. They do. Well, they tend to be respected, and sometimes they tend to be admired, and-
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Rarely loved, maybe.
    David Morris:
    … sometimes there’s a tension, but the same is true about government. I mean, most everybody hates remote government, which means the federal government. Many people, if not most people, don’t like their state governments, which are remote and controlled by people that they don’t even know, but most people do like their local government. They may scream about, and yell about, and so forth. “The snow wasn’t plowed when it should have been plowed,” and so forth, but there’s a real clear connection to your local government, and so scale does matter both in terms of the economy and politics.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    But sticking with electricity, how important is it that when you’re generating locally, it just means that more of that money is staying in the community versus going, some portion of your bill is going to the company that’s extracting the coal, some portion of your bill is going to the railroad monopoly that’s moving it, some portion of your money is then going to a generation facility that could be in a different state. How important is it that that money stays in the community in terms of why we’re concerned about it?
    David Morris:
    Well, it’s very important. It’s important. It’s part of the recycling of local resources. Part of the maxim of local self-reliance is that you extract the maximum amount of value you can from your local resource base, and that includes your human resource base, that includes your natural resource base, that includes your capital, and in terms of capital, you want to recycle your money as much as you can. I don’t want to overemphasize that point, however, although it’s a useful point to talk to people about, but when you buy from a locally owned business, you actually have influence on that locally owned business. That business probably knows you. You certainly do know them. If you want to complain, you can complain to them directly.

    The owner of that business may very well live locally. If they live locally, they pay property taxes to the schools that their kids go to, so there’s a lot of reasons why you want to keep your money local, and one of them is economic, but again, one of them is political in the sense that you have more say, more participation, more influence over small business than you do remote business, and locally owned structures rather than remotely owned structures.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    Since you mentioned both economic and political, I think it’s worth noting something that I’ve certainly learned over the years, which is that it doesn’t seem to be possible to have local and distributed political power if you do not have local and distributed economic power.
    David Morris:
    That’s exactly right. We talk about authority, responsibility, and capacity, the kind of arc of local self-reliance. You can’t really have the exercise of authority if you don’t have a productive capacity. Now Thomas Jefferson, by the way, who hated cities, he hated cities, he thought that when people went to cities, they became property-less, they became mobs, and they became part of political machines and boss machines, and the reason that he supported the yeoman peasant was that the yeoman peasant, in fact, could be self-sufficient. He didn’t preach self-sufficiency, but could be self-sufficient. He or she had the skills and also had land and had the productive capacity, and because they had productive capacity, they would be informed in their decision making, collective decision making process, that is, they would be able to participate in politics knowing how the world worked, and so needing that capacity is extremely important.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    You mentioned self-sufficiency, it’s just worth noting, are we expecting cities to be self-sufficient?
    David Morris:
    No. We’re expecting cities to be self-reliant.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Oh, that goes back to the name, I think.
    David Morris:
    Yes. Indeed, it did. One biologist talked about self-reliance being the capacity for self-sufficiency, but not self-sufficiency itself. I like, and I think it’s useful for us to use the metaphor of nation that I think we view cities as nations. Not autarchic, autarchy is a terrible thing. Only North Korea believes in autarchy and look what that got them, right? We don’t believe in self-sufficiency for cities, but if they treat themselves as nations, they become self-conscious. They become self-aware. They track the flow of resources through their borders. They make decisions that try to maximize the value to the people within those borders of those resource flows, and so that’s what we’re talking about in terms of local self-reliance.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Now I want to take this conversation and go to a different spot, which is I think one of the greatest problems that we face as a nation right now is how we think of areas outside of our communities, and I would point to an article that I’ll be recommending people read at the end of the show, which was by James Fallows in which he traveled around the country and talked to people, often from areas that have been seen as being really hard hit in recent economic times, cities that are not doing as well, like Allentown, where I was born, and one of the things he found was that people generally had a sense that things were going well in their community, but that nationwide, we were falling apart, and that locally, they liked the immigrants that were coming in to their community because they were contributing and they were helpful.

    But nationwide, we had this problem with immigrants, and it didn’t matter where he went in the country, he felt that people locally felt their immigrants were helpful, and to some extent, I think we’re a nation of 330 million people with an incredibly flawed news media. In some sense, I feel like our philosophy is one of the rare ones I can see that actually can figure out how we can all get along in some ways.

    David Morris:
    Yes, absolutely. Knowledge breeds respect, I think, and admiration, and it’s absolutely true. You find the same thing is true in schools. If you ask people whether the school system is good or bad, they say, “It’s terrible. It’s awful. It’s not educating.” You ask them whether their school is working, they say, “Yeah, my school is working just fine, thank you very much.” And the same thing is true with local politicians versus national politicians, that is, if you know them, you may be angry at them for one reason or another, but you don’t think of them immediately as corrupt or ineffective.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    To some extent, I actually feel like, and you have a much broader view of this than I do, I wonder if things are so specialized now. I mean, we’re so far past the point in which an intelligent person can know most things in most fields, that we simply cannot have policymaking at such a high level. We need to push it down where there’s more local expertise because I think when we look at the state level and the federal level, we’re expecting far too much expertise from people who often don’t have staff at the state level, and at the federal level, we can get into what all the problems are in a different show, but fundamentally, it seems to me that the economy has gotten much more complicated. The solutions to our problems in many ways are more complicated, and there’s a lack of expertise, and if we bring it more to the local level, we will address that. Is that a dynamic that’s-
    David Morris:
    Yes, it is a dynamic. I mean, you can also look at it as the costs and the benefits of a particular policy when you’re talking about large scale institutions, fall on different actors, if you will. And so the heads of corporations make a decision. Let’s say closing a plant, for example, but that doesn’t affect them negatively, it actually affects them positively. The more that we can, in fact, decentralize, distribute, push down to the community level, both the costs and the benefits, then we can have a better decision making process, that’s why I had talked about the curved smokestack coming in through the board window. That was one where you, in fact, began to marry authority and responsibility. Those who made the decisions were those who were going to feel the impact of those decisions, and you end up with very good decisions. In that case, the decision would have been to reduce pollution in the first place, rather than to spread it around.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Right, and obviously, you can only do that when the boardroom is in proximity to the factory.
    David Morris:
    That’s right. Exactly. Exactly. Exactly. That’s another point. It could be in another continent, I suppose. You were talking about James Fallows’s piece about immigrants, migrants, and I think that would lead one to the proposition that decisions related to deportation should be pushed down to the local level. Now in saying that, I get it, that people out there are going, “Boo hoo hoo, wait a minute, the communities are xenophobic. They can be racist. They have a history of, in fact, pushing out people who don’t look like them,” and I can see that point, but also because you know these people in your community, or people down the block know these people in your community, that you will probably find a community saying, “You know, there are 10% of them who are criminals. We can put them in jail or we can send them out of the country, but 90% of them are law-abiding citizens, are just like you and me, are striving and insecure, and what we should do is nurture them, not to make them afraid.”

    Now that’s a decision I think that would be done at the local level, and in fact, is being done at the local level. You look at Los Angeles, you look at a number of different cities that in fact have provided money for legal support of their immigrants, and when one talks about sanctuary communities, one should realize that this is not a theoretical term, sanctuary communities, this is a term that says, “We are going to protect our neighbors against the despotism,” really, of a remote government in Washington, D.C.

    We are at a point now, as you indicated, a new generation is growing up that does focus on cities, and at the same time, you have a federal government that essentially is trying to preempt and destroy the authority of cities and move us back 40 or 50 years in terms of the progress that we have made, and so the fight right now is at the city level both in defending what is good, and promoting even better, and so in terms of local self-reliance, we do need to not only explain the term and promote the term, but get into the nitty gritty of what does it mean in terms of specific policymaking? What does it mean in terms of specific strategies? What can a city do?

    Christopher Mitchell:
    You mentioned that cities are increasingly more competent and whatnot, and with the Trump administration pulling out of the Paris Accord relating to climate change, we’re seeing increasingly, talk of cities having their own foreign policy now, so where does this fit in, and I have to say that I am somewhat nervous about it as someone who does believe that the nation needs a cohesive foreign policy that’s unified, but I’m curious what your thoughts are in terms of, from the city point of view.
    David Morris:
    Yeah, from a city point of view, when you talk about foreign policy and the climate change issue, it has foreign implications, what a city does. It’s a local policy. A city, in terms of energy, in the past, cities could only get involved in the energy situation by promoting energy efficiency and energy conservation, but now, they can talk about local energy production, and as they do that, they in fact, say, “We are going to comply with this treaty or with this negotiation,” and I think that that’s very useful. But the term “foreign policy”, and I looked up some of the recent literature in terms of people promoting it, and there are many people promoting city foreign policy, what they mean is that cities should try to be global in attracting capital.

    And I think that this is understandable, and we certainly should pursue that, but we should also be careful about what that means, if in fact, a city foreign policy is that you make yourself as attractive as possible to the creative class, to the investment class, to the people in the rest of the world who want to buy citizenship in the United States so that they come into your community and invest in your community, then I think that’s a dangerous road, and once again, it’s a road that looks outward rather than inward. Now that doesn’t mean we should be parochial. Clearly, we live in a globe, and one of the wonderful things about the internet is that in fact we can communicate horizontally with the rest of the world. We don’t have to communicate through intermediaries. We don’t have to go up to a mass media and then down to the people who are listening to that.

    So I think that we do need to look outward, but I’m concerned if foreign policy means that we should, as individual cities, make ourselves as attractive to foreign investment as the nation has tried to make itself attractive to foreign investment.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    Right. I think one of the concerns that just springs into my mind, of course, is that then you’re potentially displacing local investment, and you don’t want to privilege foreign investment over your local investment.
    David Morris:
    Well, that’s true, but I think more importantly than that, you are giving control. I mean, when somebody invests in your community, they try, if they can, to gain control over that investment and the productive capacity that they have invested in, so I think that that’s more problematic than just the fact that there will be … I don’t think that foreign investment will displace local investment. I think it might distort local investment, but it also brings absentee ownership, and that in itself is a significant problem.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    So let’s talk about recommendations. What do you have in mind for something that a person who’s listening to this show might want to read to learn a little bit more, or just something that’ll blow their mind?
    David Morris:
    Well, I have two things. One is a book that is not available in your local library, and is not in print, and has not been … Well, it is probably not in print, but you can download from the web, which is a book called Mutual Aid by a man named Peter Kropotkin.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    I would be surprised if that’s not in a local library.
    David Morris:
    Well, you can look. It’s not in my local library, but it probably is in one of the branches of your local library.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    It’s in my library in my house.
    David Morris:
    Yes. Yes. It’s probably still in print in some edition. It was published more than 100 years ago, and Peter Kropotkin was an anarchist in the best sense of the term, which meant that he believed that people could take the future into their own hands and localize the means of production, but Mutual Aid is a fascinating book in and of itself, but what I would suggest people do is to read the chapter on medieval cities. Now, Peter Kropotkin, without going through a long discussion, was a naturalist and a botanist and a scientist of the first order, and he lived at a time where Charles Darwin had come out with his theory of evolution, and Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution was translated into survival of the fittest, competition, tooth and claw, and what he found in his research about nature was that nature worked by cooperation. It didn’t work through competition, and he then took that as his thesis and looked at human society as well as agricultural and animal society, and posited that in fact it was cooperation that was the fittest, if you will.

    And there’s a chapter in Mutual Aid about medieval cities, and people who think of the period of time, 900 to 1000 AD, we think of as the dark ages. It was not a dark age. It was an age where city states arose.

    Christopher Mitchell:
    People were having so much time, they didn’t bother to record history.
    David Morris:
    Well, people could read … It’s an easy chapter read. It’s probably 25 pages, but it talks about the astonishing progress, the astonishing innovation that was done when small, we’re talking about cities of maybe 5,000 people, 10,000 people, when they came together, and mutually created codes, and forms of behaviors, and local economies, and technologies, and the like, so I suggest that, number one.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Let me build on that with a book that references that book and that work, and Kropotkin’s work in general, and that’s a more recent work that uses more recent studies to make similar points called The Penguin and the Leviathan by Yochai Benkler, who’s a brilliant professor at Harvard who often talks about decentralization. I just recently read this book, and it talked about a number of different studies, and I actually think makes a very nuanced case for how we overemphasize the role of selfishness. We are motivated by selfishness, but we are motivated by lots of things, and we need to appreciate that.
    David Morris:
    Mm-hmm (affirmative). That’s very good. The second book is one that most people might know of, especially people who are listening to this podcast, and that is the book The Economy of Cities by Jane Jacobs, and it came out in the early 1970’s, maybe mid to late 1970’s, and her thesis is that most innovation came from cities, that cities are the reason that we have modern civilization, and there’s a whole bunch of reasons why that might be the case, but she goes through it very well in terms of providing examples and the like, and I think that both the cities of 5,000 and 10,000 people in 900 and 1000 AD, and also in terms of the modern city and its ability to generate wealth internal to itself, those would be the two books that I would suggest.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    Great. And I suggested this James Fallows article, I believe it was a cover story on The Atlantic sometime last year, How America is Putting Itself Back Together, and then just because I’m just going to go crazy with recommendations, I did recently read a book by Katherine Cramer, who’s a professor at the University of Wisconsin, called The Politics of Resentment. She did a ton of interviews across Wisconsin looking at how people get their identity and how that informs their political views, and actually not so much where they get their information. I thought that was a major weakness of the book, but just how they think about a lot of these different things, and how they reacted over the past five years as we went through these elections, basically ever since Obama took office, and then also in Wisconsin with Walker, and it was a pretty interesting read.
    David Morris:
    Mm-hmm (affirmative). Mm-hmm (affirmative).
    Christopher Mitchell:
    So thank you, everyone, for listening. Thank you, David, for coming back on. We look forward to having you again soon, I hope.
    David Morris:
    Thanks. I’m looking forward to it, as well. Thanks for the conversation.
    Christopher Mitchell:
    As we wrap up the show, I strongly encourage you to rate our show. Please share it on Facebook, on one of those massive tech monopoly companies that we can’t get away from because it’s the only way to get the word out that there is another way ultimately, and we can build structures that will give us more freedom, and build stronger local economies, but make sure you’re rating us where you found this show so that other people will find it. Thank you.
    Lisa Gonzalez:
    That was David Morris, co-founder of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance, who now heads up our Public Good Initiative. He and Christopher, Director of the Community Broadband Initiative at the institute, were discussing local self-reliance and what it means for local communities. This was episode number 22 of the Building Local Power Podcast. Check out more of David’s articles and interviews at archive.ilsr.org. In addition to David’s ongoing contributions, we have many of his previous writings archived at our website. We encourage you to subscribe to this podcast and all of our other podcasts on iTunes, Stitcher, or wherever else you get your podcasts. Never miss out on our original research. Subscribe to our monthly newsletter at archive.ilsr.org. Thanks to Dysfunction-Al for the music licensed through Creative Commons. The song is Funk Interlude. I’m Lisa Gonzalez from the Institute for Local Self-Reliance. Thanks again for listening to the Building Local Power Podcast.

     

    Like this episode? Please help us reach a wider audience by rating Building Local Power on iTunes or wherever you find your podcasts. And please become a subscriber! If you missed our previous episodes make sure to bookmark our Building Local Power Podcast Homepage.

    If you have show ideas or comments, please email us at [email protected]. Also, join the conversation by talking about #BuildingLocalPower on Twitter and Facebook!

    Subscribe: iTunes | Android | RSS

    Audio Credit: Funk Interlude by Dysfunction_AL Ft: Fourstones – Scomber (Bonus Track). Copyright 2016 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial (3.0) license.

    Follow the Institute for Local Self-Reliance on Twitter and Facebook and, for monthly updates on our work, sign-up for our ILSR general newsletter.

    36 min
  • The Monopolist’s Playbook: Strategies To Retain Overwhelming Economic Power (Episode 21)

    This week in Building Local Power, we’re discussing how concentrated economic power responds to communities that are supporting their own local economies. Guest host Nick Stumo-Langer discusses how these corporations fight against local communities with a number of ILSR’s experts. He speaks with Stacy Mitchell, John Farrell, Christopher Mitchell, and Lisa Gonzalez in order to get a … Read More

    36 min
  • Tech Startup Allows Communities to Support Local Businesses (Episode 20)

    This week in Building Local Power, we’re discussing independent businesses and the communities that support them. Host Christopher Mitchell and ILSR co-director and Community-Scaled Economies initiative director Stacy Mitchell interview Katrina Scotto di Carlo from Portland, Oregon. di Carlo is the co-founder of Supportland (now called Placemaker), which work to bolster independent businesses by offering new marketing and technological solutions. … Read More

    31 min

About Building Local Power

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Building Local Power brings you thought-provoking stories and new ideas for breaking the hold of corporate monopolies and expanding the power of communities to chart their own futures. We deliver insights from trailblazing lawmakers, scholars, business leaders, and advocates. Plus, conversations with in-house experts at the Institute for Local Self-Reliance help reveal the patterns and policies that shape our economy and communities. These stories and conversations help map solutions that distribute power to everyday people.

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