In Focus by The Hindu

On February 1, when the Union Budget 2022 was unveiled, there was much hope and expectation for the health sector. 2022 continues to be a pandemic year, with the third wave of COVID-19 hitting the country, and the government has made a commitment to increasing the allocation for health to 2.5% of the GDP by 2025. 

However, the Budget speech by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman did not give the sector much cause for cheer. Though the overall allocation for health went up by about 16%, from Rs. 73,931 crore last year to Rs. 86,200 crore this year, the Centre actually ended up spending Rs. 82,920 crore last year, making the actual allocation for this year only about 0.2 % higher. 

The Finance Minister did announce two big schemes -- an open platform for a national digital health eco-system with a registry of all health providers and a unique health identity for all, as well as a National Tele-Mental Health Programme.

Digital health has gained ground in the country, especially during the last two years when most parts of the country were under various lockdowns. The push to boost mental health, which has for too long not received the attention it needs in the country, has been welcomed.

But what happens to primary health care in urban and rural areas, the need for which was badly felt during the devastating second wave of the pandemic last year? And how many can still afford quality healthcare in the country -- how has the national health insurance scheme worked, and what is its budgetary allocation? And has enough money been allocated to sanitation and hygiene, pollution mitigation and nutrition -- all of which are crucial to improving health indicators?

Guest: Avani Kapur, Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research and Lead Accountability Initiative

Host: Zubeda Hamid 

Edited by Reenu Cyriac

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The anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI) has released the 2021 Corruption Perception Index, or CPI. This Index ranks 180 countries on their perceived levels of corruption in the public sector. Countries are evaluated on a scale from 0 to 100, where 100 is very clean and 0 is very corrupt.

This latest CPI has revealed that globally, corruption remains at high levels, with the average score at 43 out of 100. Out of the 180 countries, 131 have made no progress against corruption, two-thirds scored below 50, indicating that corruption is a major problem, while 27 slipped to their lowest score ever.

Although India’s rank improved from 86th to 85, its score of 40 is lower than the global average of 43, which seems to indicate that corruption in India is higher than in most other countries.

The report also states that rising corruption is an enabler of human rights abuse and authoritarianism. For a better understanding of CPI, global trends in corruption, and what the report has to say about India, we speak to Venkatesh Nayak.

Guest: Venkatesh Nayak, development sector veteran who has worked on transparency and public audit mechanisms, and is currently with the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI).

Host: G. Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

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Last week, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights told the Supreme Court that close to 1.5 lakh children in the country are in need of care and protection after losing at least one of their parents to COVID-19 and other diseases during the pandemic period, while over 10,000 children have lost both parents.

The pandemic and subsequent lockdowns not only pushed thousands of Indians into poverty, it also made services that generally safeguard children, unavailable in large parts of the country, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation. Thousands of migrant workers returned to their villages, schools have been shut for the better part of two years, and families, desperate to survive, have gotten into the clutches of money-lenders, which makes them easy prey for traffickers.

In July last year, the Union Home Ministry issued guidelines for the urgent setting up of Anti Human Trafficking Units or AHTUs, and asked States to upgrade the infrastructure of existing ones. As per the National Crime Records Bureau, there are 696 functional AHTUs and 20 States/Union Territories have achieved their target of setting up AHTUs in all districts.

In the meantime, children have been rescued from trains and buses, from workplaces across the country, from sexual exploitation and child marriage in the thousands by child rights organisations. Childline, a helpline for children in distress, received 1,92,000 distress calls between March and August 2020, most to do with cases of child labour.

And yet NCRB's data from AHTUs recorded only 1,714 cases of human trafficking in 2020. What really happened to vulnerable children during the pandemic? How do the AHTUs work and are they effective? What happens to rescued children and how long does it take for the rehabilitation process to work? And what are the urgent gaps the government needs to fill to protect children in our country from being trafficked?

Guest: Dhananjay Tingal, executive director, Bachpan Bachao Andolan, a movement for the protection of children that works with government agencies and policy-makers to strengthen the system

Host: Zubeda Hamid

Edited by Reenu Cyriac

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With elections coming up in five states, it was expected that the Union Budget for the financial year 2022-23 would focus on addressing the crisis of unemployment. One of the things that Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman needed to do in this regard was to increase government spending, and she appears to have done so, increasing the capital expenditure outlay by 35.4%, But will this be enough to draw in adequate amounts of private investment and ensure job creation on a massive scale?

Also, how do we understand the logic behind the cuts in subsidies, with fertilizer, food and petroleum subsidies all witnessing a marked decline? While job creation remains a primary concern, the allocation for MGNREGA – which saw a surge in demand during the pandemic – has not been increased. How do we assess the Budget on the welfare front – in the domains of health, education and farmer welfare? In this podcast, we look to unpack the numbers of the Union Budget and get to the core of what it means for the common man.

Guest: Arun Kumar, economist and Malcolm S. Adiseshiah Chair Professor at the Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi

Host: G. Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

With elections coming up in five states, it was expected that the Union Budget for the financial year 2022-23 would focus on addressing the crisis of unemployment. One of the things that Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman needed to do in this regard was to increase government spending, and she appears to have done so, increasing the capital expenditure outlay by 35.4%, But will this be enough to draw in adequate amounts of private investment and ensure job creation on a massive scale?

Also, how do we understand the logic behind the cuts in subsidies, with fertilizer, food and petroleum subsidies all witnessing a marked decline? While job creation remains a primary concern, the allocation for MGNREGA – which saw a surge in demand during the pandemic – has not been increased. How do we assess the Budget on the welfare front – in the domains of health, education and farmer welfare? In this podcast, we look to unpack the numbers of the Union Budget and get to the core of what it means for the common man.

Guest: Arun Kumar, economist and Malcolm S. Adiseshiah Chair Professor at the Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi

Host: G. Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

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The National Commission for Women has said it had seen a 30% rise in complaints of crimes against women in 2021, compared to 2020.

Nearly 31,000 complaints of crimes against women were received by the Commission for last year, the highest since 2014. Of these, over 6,000 were related to domestic violence and over 4,000 were to do with dowry harassment. In 2020 also, the Commission had received a record high number of complaints, one quarter of them related to domestic violence -- in just April and May of that year, during the nation-wide lockdown, 47.2% of the cases it received were of domestic violence, by comparison, barely 21% of cases received between January and March were to do with this.

Domestic violence has sometimes been referred to as the 'shadow pandemic' -- as the world faced an unprecedented crisis and lockdowns became the norm in several countries, not only did women find themselves locked in with their abusers at home, they also lost access to support services outside. The economic distress faced by millions exacerbated the problem.

In India, organisations working with women have reported a huge spike in cases -- men and women lost their jobs, many members of a family were forced to stay together often in small quarters -- not only did women have more household work than usual, they also had little access to the outside, and their support systems dwindled. At the same time, many girls and young women who would ordinarily have been in school and college, have been confined to their homes -- potentially increasing their vulnerability to violence and also to the threat of cyber crimes.

Did we have any mechanisms in place to help support survivors of violence through the pandemic? What legal and social structures do we need to have? What happens when fewer women use public places, and will this have an effect on women's safety in the future? And how well has the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 been implemented?

Guest: Swarna Rajagopalan, founder of Prajnya, a non-profit that works in the area of gender equality

Host: Zubeda Hamid

Edited by Reenu Cyriac

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This year’s Budget, to be presented on February 1, comes at a rather difficult time for the Indian economy. The much-awaited recovery, following the COVID-inducted downturn, is yet to happen, and it is difficult to find a metric that is good news.

Despite official attempts to put on a brave face, the writing is on the wall. Private investment has been tanking for a long time, consumption is down, unemployment is high, and there hasn’t been enough by way of public spending. At the same time, inequality has risen sharply, especially in the years of the pandemic, which have been bad for the informal economy and the MSME sector.

One of the biggest questions that remain is, given its record of fiscal conservatism, will the government decide to spend more to address the crises of malnutrition and hunger, the regression in public education caused by prolonged school closures, and the urgent need to generate employment? Will the Budget signal any relief for the common man, or will be status quoist?

We discuss all these questions and more in this episode.

Guest: Vivek Kaul, business columnist and author

Host: G. Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

China, the world’s factory, is worried by its dipping population growth – a figure that has fallen to its lowest level in six decades despite ending its 35-year “one child policy” in 2016 and replacing the “two child policy” with the “three child policy” last year.

Just under 11 million babies were born in China in 2021 while a little over 10 million deaths were reported in the year gone by. As a result, China recorded a population growth of 0.34 per thousand – the lowest since 1960. What are the implications of this obvious population crisis? Why aren’t more children being born in China? The country’s ageing population is better educated, more skilled and healthier than before. Will the country be able to cope with lesser numbers?

We discuss all these issues in this episode. 

Guest: Ananth Krishnan, Hong Kong-based China correspondent of The Hindu.

Host: Amit Baruah, Senior Associate Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

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If one can rank Assembly elections in order of importance, after Uttar Pradesh it has to be Punjab in the five States going to polls. Punjab Assembly 2017 was a three-cornered contest with the Congress getting a thumping majority. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal who could not believe that AAP had lost the polls. The Akali Dal-BJP alliance came third in the 2017 race. In 2022, former Chief Minister Amarinder Singh has allied with the BJP, some victorious farmers who forced the BJP government to withdraw the three contentious agricultural laws have entered the fray, the Akalis are now in alliance with the BSP while the Congress and AAP remain serious contenders for power.

Guest: Kanwar Sandhu, former Chandigarh-based Resident Editor of The Indian Express and Hindustan Times newspapers. Outgoing MLA in the Punjab Assembly, not seeking re-election. Suspended by AAP for alleged anti-party activities. Also, former Executive Editor of The Tribune newspaper.

Host: Amit Baruah, Senior Associated Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

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The poll bugle has been sounded for Uttar Pradesh’s seven-phase Assembly election between February 10 and March 7. Along with Uttar Pradesh, four other states, including Punjab, are also in election mode to elect new State Assemblies. Candidates have been announced for the first few phases in Uttar Pradesh by the BJP, the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Congress and a first round of defections has also taken place. Swami Prasad Maurya, a senior minister and OBC face of the BJP, has jumped ship to the SP. As have two other Cabinet Ministers from the Yogi Adityanath government. We discuss the stakes in this all-important election in this episode.

Guest: Gilles Verniers, Assistant Professor of Political Science and Co-Director, Trivedi Centre for Political Data, Ashoka University.

Host: Amit Baruah, Senior Associate Editor, The Hindu

Edited by Ranjani Srinivasan

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