ただ、すこし特殊なことといえば、この路地は「自由の路地」という別名を 持っており、その中ほどに変わった建物があることです。マンション３階の 外壁に「鄭南榕記念館」という看板が掛かっており、窓にはアルミの格子や 有刺鉄線がはめ込まれ、外壁には焼け焦げた黒い痕跡が残っています。

そのマンションにある鄭南榕記念館。こぢんまりした部屋には台湾社会を啓 蒙する莫大なエネルギーが潜んでいます。それもそのはず、ここは台湾の民 主化運動の過程で先人たちが払った努力の代償と、市民たちが力いっぱいに 自由を勝ち取ろうとした精神を象徴する場所なのですから。

１９８８年１２月、鄭南榕が自ら創設した週刊『自由時代』に「台湾共和国 新憲法草案」を掲載しました。これにより、翌年１月に「反乱罪容疑」との 出頭命令が届きました。

鄭南榕としては、「新憲法草案」を掲載することは個人の基本的権利獲得へ の実践であり、反乱罪とはでっち上げの容疑であり、言論の自由を抑圧する 象徴になると考えていました。

「台湾独立」という主張を含む確かな言論の自由を堅持するため、鄭南榕は この容疑の受け入れを拒否し、『自由時代』雑誌社に籠城し「抵抗権」を行 使することにしました。

４月７日、国民党政府は大勢の警察隊を雑誌社に出動させ、彼を逮捕するた め突入を強行しました。すでに７１日に及ぶ籠城をおこなっていた鄭南榕は、 編集長室で焼身自決をとげました。

自由、それが重みのあるものだということを、彼はその一いち 命めい をもって我々に 示したのです。

まず、鄭南榕記念館にお越し下さり、まことにありがとうございます。ここ は鄭南榕が在りし日に創設した『自由時代』雑誌社の跡です。

これから、鄭南榕の生い立ちと、どのように雑誌社を創設し、社会運動を組 織したかのプロセスをご紹介いたします

写真や映像、鄭南榕の遺品と肉筆の原稿などをとおして、彼の足跡そくせき をたどる 旅にご案内します。彼の置かれた環境に心をよせ、彼の考え方を理解してゆ きましょう。

一緒に１９８０年代にタイムスリップして、鄭南榕の勇気と決意を目撃しに 行きましょう。

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英語旁白｜吳怡慈 (Emily Y. Wu)

英文翻譯、校對｜ 吳佳臻、徐睿楷(Eric Scheihagen) 、吳怡慈(Emily Y. Wu)

音樂｜編曲/創作/小提琴演奏 林暉鈞；音樂/聲音顧問 游源鏗；鋼琴演奏 顏琬蕙；錄音剪輯混音 許銘顯

導覽網站和短片音樂串接｜

《阿姆斯特丹》(Dans le port d´Amsterdam) 為主要樂曲

《我的祖國》(Z Dovoviny)

《白鳥之歌》（El cant dels ocells)

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Nylon once said, "We cannot predict the future, but we have always believed that, only by the awakened power of the people will there come a day when justice befalls on Taiwan."

This is worth remembering and considering regardless of our times.

Having lived through state oppression in the 1980s, Nylon chose to fight back with non-violent activism. His sacrifice seemed unflinching and resolute, but behind this determination was his deep love for this land. He loved his family, his friends, and colleagues, and he wished for a free society for the next generation.

Today, we live in a different society with a different set of challenges. A free society has its accompanying problems, for example, how to verify information and guard against disinformation, how do we to strive for greater diversity and equality, how do we to pursue a fairer and a more just society, and how to continue to defend universal human rights.

But what hasn’t changed is that, the future of Taiwan is on us. In the very last issue of Freedom Era Weekly, published in November 1989, splashed across the magazine cover was the story, “Will China invade Taiwan by force?”

This is a question that still looms over Taiwan and the rest of the world. So, what kind of future do we want? What are each of us willing to do to make it happen? How will you stand up for what you believe in?

These are questions we need to keep asking ourselves. Because - what is left is up to us.

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The death of Nylon Cheng sent a shockwave through Taiwan.

The KMT tried to disparage his sacrifice, but they could not weaken his influence. The torch of freedom was not extinguished. Instead, it spread from the small third-floor apartment to all of Taiwan, and it quickly reached Taiwanese living abroad. An official dedication to Nylon was set up along the deserted river banks in Shilin, Taipei. Mourners all over Taiwan also set up mourning halls on their own to commemorate Nylon.

It was decided that Nylon's funeral would be on May 19, the day he launched his first anti-martial law movement, the 519 Green Action.

It was a rainy day. There was almost no end in sight to the long line of mourners who came to pay their respect. The atmosphere was filled with sadness. But even then, a large number of police, soldiers, and secret police were present on site to monitor the entire funeral. Declassified documents would later show that they kept a minute-by-minute log of every detail of the procession, and even the eulogy.

When the funeral procession arrived at the Presidential Office, 詹益樺 Jhan Yihua, a fellow activist who worked with Nylon, set himself on fire. Chan once said, “Nylon was like a single, magnificent seed. I wish to be like him.” Chan was just one of the many activists who followed Nylon’s footsteps. Together, they represent the strength of the grassroots. Chan did not have a dazzling resume, what he had was a true heart for Taiwan. The fire he lit became an important light in the democratization of Taiwan.

Nylon Cheng inspired many. He had ignited the courage to overcome difficulties. In Taiwan, the number and scale of social reform movements grew, including those calling for the abolishment of the Betrayers Punishment Act and for the amendment of Article 100 of the Criminal Code. Outside of Taiwan, Taiwanese who had been blacklisted and were on self-exile were determined to return to Taiwan and challenge the KMT government. These developments, big and small, were a part of the democratization of Taiwan.

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This is the Editor’s Office at the Freedom Era Weekly. This was where Nylon Cheng self-immolated.

Nylon had famously said, “The KMT cannot arrest me. They can only seize my corpse.” (“The KMT cannot arrest my person, just my corpse.”) From the moment Nylon began his self-imprisonment on January 26, he was ready to make the ultimate sacrifice.

He installed iron doors, windows and barbed wire to block the police force from entering. Under his desk, he prepared lighters and gasoline. His family and friends, including his wife Yeh Chu-lan, tried to dissuade him, but no one could change his mind.

He once said, “I am a very patient person. I take my time to decide. But once I’ve made my decision, I am resolute and will not change my mind.” Whenever someone tried to dissuade him, he would tell them to read the book The History of the Korean Student Movement- a book about student activism in Korea from the 1940s to the 1980s and some of their decisions to self-immolate as an expression of their beliefs. What Nylon wanted was to awaken the Taiwanese people through self-immolation.

In the early morning of April 7, after a long 71 days of self-imprisonment, hundreds of police, soldiers, and secret police were dispatched to the magazine. First, they jammed up the telephone line of the office by calling and pretending to be interested subscribers. Then, they cut the power supply to the building. By then, the office had completely lost contact with the outside.

In the chaos, the police and soldiers had surrounded the office. They planned to attack from the first floor up.

At this time, Nylon woke up his sleeping daughter, Cheng Chu-mei, and entrusted her to his staff. And then, he told everyone to leave - staff, volunteers, and family members.

While everyone was busy and not paying attention, Nylon locked himself again in the Editor’s office. He lit the gasoline he had prepared, and he set himself on fire. He sacrificed his life for the ideas he pursued, for the Taiwan he cherished, and for the generations to come.

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In the summer of 1988, Nylon Cheng took his first trip abroad. He visited Japan and the US and met with overseas Taiwanese, including members of the World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI). When he returned to Taiwan, he began to advocate more assertively for the establishment of a new nation. This was called the "New Nation Movement".

But it was not enough to just trumpet the slogan “Taiwan Independence”. Concrete actions were needed. On December 10, International Human Rights Day, Nylon published the "Draft Constitution of the Republic of Taiwan" in the 254th issue of his magazine, Freedom Era Weekly. It was written by 許世楷 Koh Sekai. Nylon hoped this would lead to a more active discussion among the public about a new constitution suitable for Taiwan.

The draft of a new constitution shocked the society and got the attention of the KMT government again. The magazine was banned again. And two months later, Nylon was summoned for "suspicion of rebellion". He refused to accept the charge. He pointed out that this charge was a clear demonstration of KMT's continued persecution of political dissidents, and that citizens should have the right to resist.

Nylon famously said, “The KMT can’t seize my body. They can only seize my corpse.” On January 26th, five days after he was charged by the state, he locked himself in the editor’s office at the magazine. Faced with the tyranny of the KMT government, Nylon's self-imprisonment was actually the most peaceful form of non-violent activism.

During his self-imprisonment, he received many expressions of concerns from international organizations and unceasing support from Taiwanese people. Supporters and volunteers guarded the magazine office by day and night to prevent the police and military from entering to arrest Nylon. Nylon stayed there for the remaining 71 days of his life.

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After the lifting of martial law in July 1987, victims of political persecution formed the Taiwan Political Victims Association. The constitution for the association stated, “Taiwan should be independent”. For this, two of its founding members, 蔡有全 Tsai You-chuan and 許曹德 Hsu Tsao-teh, were arrested on the charge of "preparing to intentionally usurp the country’s sovereign territory". They were sentenced to 11 and 10 years in prison.

In 1988, a number of victims of political persecution, along with Nylon, initiated the “New Nation Movement” to support Tsai You-chuan and Hsu Tsao-te and to fight for self determination. On November 16th, they began a 40-day peaceful march around the island of Taiwan on foot, calling for “a new nation, a new constitution, and a new culture”. They wanted to raise the awareness of Taiwan’s identity and future.

Why did Nylon want to build a new nation? He had been pondering over this issue since he was in college. And with the launch of his magazine, the Freedom Era Weekly, he began to speak up publicly about his stance for Taiwan independence. Nylon thought that the only way to safeguard human rights and to obtain a democratic political system was for Taiwan to be rid of its colonial rule and to finally gain independence.

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After the 519 Green Action in 1986, there was a rise of public dissent and activism in Taiwan, including the founding of an opposition political party - the Democratic Progressive Party or DPP and the “228 Peace Day Movement” . The pressure for the regime to lift martial law was accumulating, both domestically and from the international community. Meanwhile, rumors circulated that the regime wanted to replace martial law with a National Security Act. The act would serve the same function: that is, to limit freedom of speech and to justify state surveillance of citizens. And so, in 1987, the second year of the 519 Green Action, a new demand was added to the protest. In addition to “lift martial law”, the group advocated that people “oppose the National Security Act”. What the people of Taiwan had wanted was the end of authoritarian rule, and to fight for democracy and freedom.

At an Anti-National Security Act rally at Jinhua Junior High School in Taipei, Nylon gave a speech and said, “My name is Nylon Cheng. I support Taiwan independence.” This was the first time anyone had publicly spoken out for “Taiwan independence”.

On July 15th, 1987, martial law was finally lifted, ending what was the longest martial law in world history at the time. But at the same time, a National Security Act was put into place adding to the existing list of laws that were used to justify the suppression of freedom. This included the Period of National Mobilization for the Suppression of the Communist Rebellion, the Betrayers Punishment Act, the Act for Checking and Clearing Out Communist Spies, and Article 100 of the criminal law. These laws were used to justify placing citizens on a blacklist, many of whom were in self-exile. Others were imprisoned or sentenced to death. The government was still conducting state surveillance. Even though martial law had ended, democracy and freedom had not yet arrived.

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In January 1987, eight months into his detention, Nylon Cheng was released and acquitted of all charges. He then began to get ready for the commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the 228 Massacre, which took place on February 28, 1947 and led to an uprising that saw the deaths of tens of thousands in Taiwan in the hands of the newly-arrived KMT regime. That was the same year Nylon was born. Growing up in a family with an immigrant father from China and a mother born in Taiwan, Nylon was deeply troubled by the massacre. In the decades since then, the regime continued to suppress dissent, censor information, and monitor citizens, in order to eventually erase the memories of the massacre. Though no one talked openly about this painful history, fear remained amongst the people. Victims and their families were afraid to speak up, and most Taiwanese were afraid to go anywhere near ‘politics’. To Nylon, the 228 Massacre was a deep wound cut into the heart of Taiwan. In 1987, he decided it was time to uncover the truth of the state violence known as the 228 or February 28 Massacre.

Nylon Cheng established the “February 28 Peace Promotion Association” (The February 28 Peace Promotion Association) with Dr. 陳永興 Chen Yongshing, the president of the Taiwan Association for Human Rights, and attorney at law 李勝雄 Stephen Lee Sheng-hsiung. Two weeks before the commemoration, they held a press conference and organized the first “228 Peace Day Movement” demonstration. This first event was in Tainan, then they began a series of speeches and demonstrations across Taiwan.

The public demonstrations were often met with harassment by the military, the police, and the secret police, who conducted mass searches, confiscations, and engaged in police brutality, sometimes leading to bloody clashes. Despite this, Nylon continued to be active on the streets of Taiwan. When they were in Chiayi City, the group stood in front of the train station and made a long bow, honoring the victims of the 228 Massacre. Commemorating the event and apologizing to the victims this way was unprecedented at the time. But to Nylon, if the government was keeping its silence, then this was something he thought he should do.

At speeches, rallies, and demonstrations, families of victims sometimes emerged cautiously from the crowds. They shook hands with Nylon and and thanked him, while in tears. Nylon told them, “If we stand up and speak out, they too might have the courage to do the same. But even as they came, they still hid in the shadows.”

This public commemoration of the 228 Massacre was the first in Taiwanese history. It demanded truth and justice, and was the first step toward reconciliation. The “228 Peace Day Movement” was one of the most crucial moments in Taiwan’s path for transitional justice .

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After that stunt on May 19, 1986 known as the 519 Green Action, Nylon Cheng was now seen as a troublemaker in the eyes of the regime. Before long, on the morning of June 2nd, Nylon was summoned to a local police station. On the way there, he was redirected to the Zhongshan Precinct and then to the District Court. By sundown, he had been taken to the Tucheng Detention Center (土城看守所) and was detained on the spot.

It appeared that Nylon had violated the Election and Recall Act. But in fact, this was a clear case of political persecution for Nylon’s pro-democracy activities: writing articles, publishing magazines, and being a leader of activism. The scale of his impact had rattled the regime . In 1986, Nylon Cheng was detained for 8 months.

Nylon was threatened, but he didn’t live in fear. He chose to confront the regime.

When under detention, he kept a journal of his daily activities, his thoughts and his inspirations. He wasn’t a talkative person, but in his journal, we learned three important things about him.

Nylon was a good chief editor and manager. A clear division of labor at the magazine meant that, even in his absence, the magazine continued without interruptions.

He was both an activist and a thinker. He not only carefully mulled over the strategy for the operation of the magazine, he also thought about politics, philosophy, economics, and the future of Taiwan. He once said, “Stand out and be your own master.” For Nylon, he strived to put his ideas into action.

Lastly, he was a family man. He was a son, a brother, a friend, a loving husband, and a caring father. He kept a record of visits by his wife, 葉菊蘭 Yeh Chu-lan, and documented his daughter 鄭竹梅 Cheng Chu Mei getting older.

In Nylon’s last journal entry while under detention, he wrote, “Each one of us may be just one citizen in a country. But we are a great people of a great nation.” He noted that this would be the foundation of the future of Taiwan. This was written the day before his verdict was announced. Even with his own future uncertain, what Nylon worried the most was the future of Taiwan.

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