The Epstein Chronicles

Republican Congressman Thomas Massie of Kentucky announced on November 5, 2026, that he expects to secure the 218 signatures necessary to force a House vote on the Epstein Files Transparency Act II, setting up another confrontation with Republican leadership and the Trump administration over the continued withholding of Jeffrey Epstein records. Massie, who worked alongside Democratic Congressman Ro Khanna to pass the original transparency legislation in November 2025, argued that the Justice Department had failed to comply with the law by withholding millions of documents and maintaining extensive redactions that he contends are unjustified. His latest effort relies on a discharge petition, a congressional procedure that allows lawmakers to bypass House leadership and force legislation onto the floor once a majority of representatives sign it. As of his announcement, the petition had 216 signatures, including 212 Democrats and four Republicans, leaving it just two signatures short of the required threshold. Massie expressed confidence that two Democratic lawmakers who had previously been absent would sign when Congress returned the following week, guaranteeing a vote if those commitments materialized. The development represents another significant challenge to House Speaker Mike Johnson and the administration, which have repeatedly faced criticism over their resistance to additional Epstein disclosure measures. Massie's determination to continue the fight is especially notable because he lost his Republican primary to a Trump-backed challenger and is approaching the end of his congressional tenure in January 2027. Rather than retreating after his political defeat, Massie is attempting to force another vote on legislation intended to hold the Justice Department accountable for its handling of the Epstein files.


The Epstein Files Transparency Act II, introduced by Massie and Khanna in July 2026, would substantially strengthen the original law by creating legal mechanisms to challenge the Justice Department when it refuses to release records required by Congress. The legislation would allow Epstein survivors, members of Congress, state attorneys general, and other authorized state officials to sue the U.S. attorney general over documents that have allegedly been unlawfully withheld, concealed, delayed, or improperly redacted. It would also give survivors access to unredacted investigative records concerning their own abuse, including relevant FBI interview summaries, while requiring the Justice Department to provide state and local prosecutors with evidence needed to pursue investigations and potential criminal charges against Epstein's associates and alleged co-conspirators. Additional provisions would restrict the government's ability to invoke certain legal privileges to avoid disclosure and reinforce existing criminal penalties for officials who knowingly conceal, destroy, or falsify records. Massie has accused the Justice Department of withholding more than three million Epstein-related files, while Attorney General Todd Blanche has defended the department's compliance with the original law. For Massie, the second transparency bill represents an effort to give the first law enforceable consequences rather than allowing federal officials to determine for themselves whether they have complied. His claim that he has the necessary support does not mean the petition has officially reached 218 signatures or that the legislation has passed, but it places Congress on the verge of another potentially consequential confrontation over Epstein transparency. If the petition succeeds, lawmakers will once again be forced to publicly decide whether they support giving survivors and independent prosecutors stronger tools to obtain records that the federal government continues to control.



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Donald Trump has managed to turn the Jeffrey Epstein scandal into one of the most damaging political disasters of his second presidency, largely through his own decisions, contradictory statements, and repeated attempts to dismiss an issue that he and his allies spent years promoting. What began as a promise to expose Epstein's powerful associates quickly descended into chaos when Attorney General Pam Bondi hyped the existence of a client list, distributed binders containing largely recycled information, and then joined the FBI in announcing that no incriminating list existed. Rather than acknowledging the administration's failures and demanding a comprehensive release of the records, Trump attacked those asking questions, dismissed the controversy as a political hoax, and alienated supporters who had taken his promises of transparency seriously. His administration subsequently faced additional scrutiny over Todd Blanche's unusual interview with Ghislaine Maxwell, the Justice Department's resistance to releasing investigative material, and the president's previous social relationship with Epstein. Trump made matters worse by opposing congressional efforts to compel disclosure, only to reverse course when Representatives Thomas Massie and Ro Khanna assembled enough support to force passage of the Epstein Files Transparency Act in November 2025. Even then, the administration missed the law's December deadline, and subsequent releases generated further controversy over withheld records, questionable redactions, and the exposure of survivors' private information. Every effort to declare the matter settled seemed to produce another round of damaging revelations and questions, leaving Trump defending a Justice Department whose handling of Epstein had become increasingly difficult to reconcile with his own campaign promises.


By 2026, Trump's handling of Epstein had become a textbook example of a self-inflicted political crisis, with the president repeatedly choosing confrontation and denial over the transparency that might have prevented the controversy from escalating. His attacks on critics fractured relationships with Republican lawmakers and conservative commentators, while his administration's refusal to appoint an independent special counsel and its continued resistance to additional disclosures fueled accusations that politically connected individuals were receiving protection. The scandal became a major issue during the midterm elections, appearing in hundreds of campaign advertisements as Democrats portrayed Republicans as unwilling to hold powerful people accountable. Although the war with Iran, economic concerns, and other controversies also contributed to the Republican Party's crushing electoral defeat, Epstein became another symbol of an administration that had promised accountability and delivered excuses. The political consequences are now threatening to become legal and congressional headaches as Democrats prepare to assume control of Congress and pursue investigations into the Justice Department's handling of the files. Meanwhile, Massie and Khanna are continuing their effort to pass stronger transparency legislation, ensuring that the controversy will not simply disappear because Trump wants it to. Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of the entire debacle is how avoidable much of the political damage was: Trump had the opportunity to embrace disclosure, distance himself from the failures of previous administrations, and demonstrate that his promises meant something. Instead, his hostility toward scrutiny, shifting explanations, and the administration's repeated disclosure failures have kept Epstein at the center of his presidency, turning a scandal he promised to resolve into one of the clearest examples of how his own actions have made his political problems substantially worse.


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Republican Congressman Thomas Massie of Kentucky has emerged as one of the most determined advocates for transparency in the Jeffrey Epstein case, repeatedly confronting President Donald Trump, House Republican leadership, and the Justice Department over their handling of the Epstein files. Massie's battle intensified in July 2025 when he joined Democratic Congressman Ro Khanna to introduce the Epstein Files Transparency Act, legislation designed to compel the Justice Department to release its investigative records concerning Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell. Facing opposition from Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson, Massie pursued a discharge petition to bypass Republican leadership and force a vote, eventually securing the necessary 218 signatures with support from Democrats and a small group of Republicans willing to defy the president. Throughout the fight, Trump publicly attacked Massie and other Republicans demanding disclosure, turning the controversy into a bitter confrontation within his own party. Massie refused to retreat, arguing that the American people and Epstein's survivors deserved access to the records regardless of whose reputations might be damaged. His persistence ultimately paid off in November 2025 when the House overwhelmingly approved the legislation by a vote of 427 to 1, forcing Trump to reverse his opposition and sign the bill into law. However, what appeared to be a landmark victory quickly became another battle when the Justice Department missed its December disclosure deadline and subsequently released millions of pages containing extensive redactions and omissions. Massie accused the administration of disregarding the law's requirements and argued that passing transparency legislation meant little if the officials responsible for enforcing it could simply refuse to comply.

Rather than declaring victory and moving on, Massie continued pressing the administration throughout 2026, accusing the Justice Department of unlawfully withholding millions of Epstein-related records while failing to provide satisfactory explanations for its redactions. Alongside Khanna, he sought judicial scrutiny of the department's compliance and introduced the Epstein Files Transparency Act II in July 2026, legislation intended to give survivors, members of Congress, and state attorneys general the ability to sue the federal government to compel disclosure. The proposal also sought to provide survivors with access to unredacted records concerning their own abuse and make investigative materials available to state and local prosecutors pursuing Epstein-related cases. Massie subsequently launched another discharge petition, once again challenging Republican leadership and attempting to force a vote despite resistance from members of his own party. His campaign gained additional attention as lawmakers questioned whether the Justice Department was using legal privileges and excessive redactions to conceal material that Congress had already ordered released. With the 2026 midterm elections producing a Democratic congressional majority, Massie's efforts gained renewed momentum, although his impending departure from Congress in January 2027 created additional urgency for the legislation. His fight has distinguished him from Republicans who publicly championed Epstein transparency while resisting measures that would compel the administration to deliver it. By repeatedly challenging Trump, confronting congressional leadership, and seeking enforceable legal consequences for noncompliance, Massie has made the Epstein files a defining issue of his final years in Congress, demonstrating a willingness to break with his own party over a scandal that continues to raise serious questions about government secrecy and accountability.



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Peter Mandelson's relationship with Jeffrey Epstein developed into a close, longstanding friendship that extended deep into the British political establishment and continued well after Epstein became a convicted sex offender. Mandelson, one of the Labour Party's most influential political figures, was connected to Epstein by the early 2000s and referred to him as his "best pal" in a birthday tribute written in 2003. Their association went far beyond occasional social encounters, with correspondence revealing regular communication, personal visits, financial arrangements, and Mandelson's willingness to support Epstein as he faced criminal allegations involving underage girls. In 2008, as Epstein confronted prosecution in Florida, Mandelson sent messages of encouragement assuring him that his friends continued to support him. Rather than distancing himself following Epstein's conviction, Mandelson maintained the relationship, staying at Epstein's Manhattan residence in 2009 while serving as business secretary in Gordon Brown's government. Financial records subsequently released by the Justice Department appeared to show Epstein transferring $75,000 to accounts connected to Mandelson between 2003 and 2004, although Mandelson disputed having any recollection of receiving those payments. Additional correspondence revealed that Epstein provided £10,000 to Mandelson's partner, Reinaldo Avila da Silva, in 2009 to help fund an osteopathy course. The relationship also provided Epstein with access to influential British political circles, while Mandelson benefited from Epstein's hospitality, financial assistance to his household, and extensive network of wealthy international contacts. Their communications continued for years, demonstrating that Mandelson's association with Epstein was neither fleeting nor confined to the period before Epstein's crimes became publicly known.


The full extent of their relationship became significantly more troubling following the release of additional Epstein documents, which suggested Mandelson may have used his position in the British government to provide the convicted sex offender with access to sensitive political and economic information. Emails from 2009 and 2010 appeared to show Mandelson sharing confidential government assessments, discussing proposed changes to taxes on bankers' bonuses, and providing advance information about a massive European financial rescue package during the global economic crisis. Other correspondence suggested Epstein attempted to use Mandelson's political influence to benefit financial interests and obtain access to senior government officials, raising serious questions about whether their friendship had developed into an arrangement involving privileged information and political access. Mandelson's continued association with Epstein eventually destroyed his political career, particularly after further revelations emerged following his appointment as Britain's ambassador to the United States in 2025. Prime Minister Keir Starmer dismissed him from that position in September 2025, and subsequent document releases prompted Mandelson's resignation from the Labour Party and the House of Lords. In February 2026, Metropolitan Police opened a criminal investigation into allegations of misconduct in public office, and Mandelson was arrested and subsequently released while the investigation continued. He has denied criminal wrongdoing, but the documentary record exposed a relationship far more extensive than the casual acquaintance initially presented to the public. The scandal also raised questions about the judgment of successive British political leaders who allowed Mandelson to occupy influential positions despite his known association with Epstein. What began as a friendship between a powerful politician and a wealthy financier ultimately became an international political scandal involving allegations of financial influence, confidential government information, and the extraordinary access Epstein enjoyed among Britain's political elite.

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Ben Black, Donald Trump’s appointee to lead the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, is facing scrutiny after released DOJ Epstein records showed personal and business connections between him, his family, and Jeffrey Epstein. The records reviewed by the Guardian show that Black and family members invested in Environmental Solutions Worldwide in 2011, a company where Epstein held a stake through his Virgin Islands entity, Financial Trust. Ben Black and his brother Joshua became directors of the company that same year, while Epstein’s involvement intersected with Leon Black, Ben’s father and Epstein’s highest-paying known client. The Guardian also reported records suggesting Epstein was scheduled to meet Ben Black, obtained his contact information after a family estate-planning meeting, claimed to have attended Ben Black’s 30th birthday, weighed in on Ben’s $11.5 million townhouse purchase, and appeared in correspondence involving a woman who sought Epstein’s advice about communicating with Ben. Black has not been accused of wrongdoing, and his spokesperson denied that he had any personal or professional relationship with Epstein.


The controversy matters because Black now oversees the DFC, a taxpayer-backed overseas investment agency whose lending cap was recently tripled to $205 billion, dramatically increasing the power of the office he runs. Trump appointed Black after Black and Palantir co-founder Joe Lonsdale promoted a more market-driven approach to foreign aid, but the Guardian reported that some DFC staff had already questioned his qualifications before the Epstein records became an internal concern. The broader issue is not just whether Ben Black personally did anything improper; it is that another person placed in a high-level federal role sits inside the sprawling overlap of Epstein, elite finance, inherited power, private investment, and political appointment. The reporting also places Ben Black’s rise against the backdrop of Leon Black’s long financial relationship with Epstein, including the Senate Finance Committee’s finding that Leon Black paid Epstein $170 million for what Black described as legitimate tax and estate-planning services.



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source:

Trump appointee leading $205bn US agency had personal ties to Epstein, emails show | Trump administration | The Guardian

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Ben Black, Donald Trump’s appointee to lead the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, is facing scrutiny after released DOJ Epstein records showed personal and business connections between him, his family, and Jeffrey Epstein. The records reviewed by the Guardian show that Black and family members invested in Environmental Solutions Worldwide in 2011, a company where Epstein held a stake through his Virgin Islands entity, Financial Trust. Ben Black and his brother Joshua became directors of the company that same year, while Epstein’s involvement intersected with Leon Black, Ben’s father and Epstein’s highest-paying known client. The Guardian also reported records suggesting Epstein was scheduled to meet Ben Black, obtained his contact information after a family estate-planning meeting, claimed to have attended Ben Black’s 30th birthday, weighed in on Ben’s $11.5 million townhouse purchase, and appeared in correspondence involving a woman who sought Epstein’s advice about communicating with Ben. Black has not been accused of wrongdoing, and his spokesperson denied that he had any personal or professional relationship with Epstein.


The controversy matters because Black now oversees the DFC, a taxpayer-backed overseas investment agency whose lending cap was recently tripled to $205 billion, dramatically increasing the power of the office he runs. Trump appointed Black after Black and Palantir co-founder Joe Lonsdale promoted a more market-driven approach to foreign aid, but the Guardian reported that some DFC staff had already questioned his qualifications before the Epstein records became an internal concern. The broader issue is not just whether Ben Black personally did anything improper; it is that another person placed in a high-level federal role sits inside the sprawling overlap of Epstein, elite finance, inherited power, private investment, and political appointment. The reporting also places Ben Black’s rise against the backdrop of Leon Black’s long financial relationship with Epstein, including the Senate Finance Committee’s finding that Leon Black paid Epstein $170 million for what Black described as legitimate tax and estate-planning services.



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source:

Trump appointee leading $205bn US agency had personal ties to Epstein, emails show | Trump administration | The Guardian

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The United States Department of Justice filed a motion on June 4, 2026, asking a federal judge in the Southern District of Florida to dismiss a lawsuit brought by 34 Jeffrey Epstein survivors who accused the FBI and DOJ of negligence that allowed Epstein's sexual abuse and trafficking operation to continue for years. The lawsuit, brought under the Federal Tort Claims Act, alleged that federal authorities failed to act on credible warnings, ignored reports of sexual abuse, and neglected opportunities to intervene before additional victims were harmed. In its motion, the government argued that the survivors had failed to establish a legally enforceable duty requiring federal investigators to protect them and that their negligence claims were barred by the statute of limitations. DOJ attorneys maintained that the survivors should have been aware of the government's alleged failures by 2019, citing widespread media coverage, public investigations, and official findings concerning Epstein's preferential treatment by federal prosecutors. The government also challenged the survivors' reliance on Florida's undertaking and zone of risk doctrines, arguing that neither created liability for the FBI's investigative decisions. Particularly notable was the DOJ's contention that the FBI had conducted a substantial investigation beginning in 2005, producing an 82-page prosecution memorandum and a 53-page draft indictment, which the government argued satisfied any investigative obligation despite Epstein ultimately receiving a controversial non-prosecution agreement.

The Justice Department's central defense rested on sovereign immunity and the discretionary function exception, which generally protects the federal government from lawsuits challenging certain decisions made by investigators and prosecutors. Government attorneys argued that FBI agents possessed broad discretion over which allegations to investigate, which witnesses to interview, and whether to pursue criminal charges, even when those decisions resulted in alleged investigative failures. The motion specifically challenged allegations involving warnings from Maria Farmer and Audra Christiansen, maintaining that the FBI's failure to follow up did not establish an enforceable legal duty or reasonable reliance by the victims. The DOJ further argued that prosecutors' decisions surrounding Epstein's 2007 non-prosecution agreement were protected from judicial review, even acknowledging that the Eleventh Circuit had previously criticized the government's handling of that agreement. In another procedural challenge, the government sought dismissal of three Jane Doe plaintiffs because their administrative claims allegedly failed to specify the monetary damages required under federal law. Ultimately, the DOJ requested dismissal of the entire lawsuit without allowing another amended complaint, arguing that the survivors had repeatedly failed to establish jurisdiction or a viable negligence claim. The filing represented an effort by the federal government to defeat the survivors' attempt to hold federal authorities financially and legally accountable for their handling of Epstein, without requiring a trial examining the full extent of those investigative failures.



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source:

gov.uscourts.flsd.693362.110.0.pdf

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The United States Department of Justice filed a motion on June 4, 2026, asking a federal judge in the Southern District of Florida to dismiss a lawsuit brought by 34 Jeffrey Epstein survivors who accused the FBI and DOJ of negligence that allowed Epstein's sexual abuse and trafficking operation to continue for years. The lawsuit, brought under the Federal Tort Claims Act, alleged that federal authorities failed to act on credible warnings, ignored reports of sexual abuse, and neglected opportunities to intervene before additional victims were harmed. In its motion, the government argued that the survivors had failed to establish a legally enforceable duty requiring federal investigators to protect them and that their negligence claims were barred by the statute of limitations. DOJ attorneys maintained that the survivors should have been aware of the government's alleged failures by 2019, citing widespread media coverage, public investigations, and official findings concerning Epstein's preferential treatment by federal prosecutors. The government also challenged the survivors' reliance on Florida's undertaking and zone of risk doctrines, arguing that neither created liability for the FBI's investigative decisions. Particularly notable was the DOJ's contention that the FBI had conducted a substantial investigation beginning in 2005, producing an 82-page prosecution memorandum and a 53-page draft indictment, which the government argued satisfied any investigative obligation despite Epstein ultimately receiving a controversial non-prosecution agreement.

The Justice Department's central defense rested on sovereign immunity and the discretionary function exception, which generally protects the federal government from lawsuits challenging certain decisions made by investigators and prosecutors. Government attorneys argued that FBI agents possessed broad discretion over which allegations to investigate, which witnesses to interview, and whether to pursue criminal charges, even when those decisions resulted in alleged investigative failures. The motion specifically challenged allegations involving warnings from Maria Farmer and Audra Christiansen, maintaining that the FBI's failure to follow up did not establish an enforceable legal duty or reasonable reliance by the victims. The DOJ further argued that prosecutors' decisions surrounding Epstein's 2007 non-prosecution agreement were protected from judicial review, even acknowledging that the Eleventh Circuit had previously criticized the government's handling of that agreement. In another procedural challenge, the government sought dismissal of three Jane Doe plaintiffs because their administrative claims allegedly failed to specify the monetary damages required under federal law. Ultimately, the DOJ requested dismissal of the entire lawsuit without allowing another amended complaint, arguing that the survivors had repeatedly failed to establish jurisdiction or a viable negligence claim. The filing represented an effort by the federal government to defeat the survivors' attempt to hold federal authorities financially and legally accountable for their handling of Epstein, without requiring a trial examining the full extent of those investigative failures.



to contact me:

[email protected]



source:

gov.uscourts.flsd.693362.110.0.pdf

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The United States Department of Justice filed a motion on June 4, 2026, asking a federal judge in the Southern District of Florida to dismiss a lawsuit brought by 34 Jeffrey Epstein survivors who accused the FBI and DOJ of negligence that allowed Epstein's sexual abuse and trafficking operation to continue for years. The lawsuit, brought under the Federal Tort Claims Act, alleged that federal authorities failed to act on credible warnings, ignored reports of sexual abuse, and neglected opportunities to intervene before additional victims were harmed. In its motion, the government argued that the survivors had failed to establish a legally enforceable duty requiring federal investigators to protect them and that their negligence claims were barred by the statute of limitations. DOJ attorneys maintained that the survivors should have been aware of the government's alleged failures by 2019, citing widespread media coverage, public investigations, and official findings concerning Epstein's preferential treatment by federal prosecutors. The government also challenged the survivors' reliance on Florida's undertaking and zone of risk doctrines, arguing that neither created liability for the FBI's investigative decisions. Particularly notable was the DOJ's contention that the FBI had conducted a substantial investigation beginning in 2005, producing an 82-page prosecution memorandum and a 53-page draft indictment, which the government argued satisfied any investigative obligation despite Epstein ultimately receiving a controversial non-prosecution agreement.

The Justice Department's central defense rested on sovereign immunity and the discretionary function exception, which generally protects the federal government from lawsuits challenging certain decisions made by investigators and prosecutors. Government attorneys argued that FBI agents possessed broad discretion over which allegations to investigate, which witnesses to interview, and whether to pursue criminal charges, even when those decisions resulted in alleged investigative failures. The motion specifically challenged allegations involving warnings from Maria Farmer and Audra Christiansen, maintaining that the FBI's failure to follow up did not establish an enforceable legal duty or reasonable reliance by the victims. The DOJ further argued that prosecutors' decisions surrounding Epstein's 2007 non-prosecution agreement were protected from judicial review, even acknowledging that the Eleventh Circuit had previously criticized the government's handling of that agreement. In another procedural challenge, the government sought dismissal of three Jane Doe plaintiffs because their administrative claims allegedly failed to specify the monetary damages required under federal law. Ultimately, the DOJ requested dismissal of the entire lawsuit without allowing another amended complaint, arguing that the survivors had repeatedly failed to establish jurisdiction or a viable negligence claim. The filing represented an effort by the federal government to defeat the survivors' attempt to hold federal authorities financially and legally accountable for their handling of Epstein, without requiring a trial examining the full extent of those investigative failures.



to contact me:

[email protected]



source:

gov.uscourts.flsd.693362.110.0.pdf

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

The United States Department of Justice filed a motion on June 4, 2026, asking a federal judge in the Southern District of Florida to dismiss a lawsuit brought by 34 Jeffrey Epstein survivors who accused the FBI and DOJ of negligence that allowed Epstein's sexual abuse and trafficking operation to continue for years. The lawsuit, brought under the Federal Tort Claims Act, alleged that federal authorities failed to act on credible warnings, ignored reports of sexual abuse, and neglected opportunities to intervene before additional victims were harmed. In its motion, the government argued that the survivors had failed to establish a legally enforceable duty requiring federal investigators to protect them and that their negligence claims were barred by the statute of limitations. DOJ attorneys maintained that the survivors should have been aware of the government's alleged failures by 2019, citing widespread media coverage, public investigations, and official findings concerning Epstein's preferential treatment by federal prosecutors. The government also challenged the survivors' reliance on Florida's undertaking and zone of risk doctrines, arguing that neither created liability for the FBI's investigative decisions. Particularly notable was the DOJ's contention that the FBI had conducted a substantial investigation beginning in 2005, producing an 82-page prosecution memorandum and a 53-page draft indictment, which the government argued satisfied any investigative obligation despite Epstein ultimately receiving a controversial non-prosecution agreement.

The Justice Department's central defense rested on sovereign immunity and the discretionary function exception, which generally protects the federal government from lawsuits challenging certain decisions made by investigators and prosecutors. Government attorneys argued that FBI agents possessed broad discretion over which allegations to investigate, which witnesses to interview, and whether to pursue criminal charges, even when those decisions resulted in alleged investigative failures. The motion specifically challenged allegations involving warnings from Maria Farmer and Audra Christiansen, maintaining that the FBI's failure to follow up did not establish an enforceable legal duty or reasonable reliance by the victims. The DOJ further argued that prosecutors' decisions surrounding Epstein's 2007 non-prosecution agreement were protected from judicial review, even acknowledging that the Eleventh Circuit had previously criticized the government's handling of that agreement. In another procedural challenge, the government sought dismissal of three Jane Doe plaintiffs because their administrative claims allegedly failed to specify the monetary damages required under federal law. Ultimately, the DOJ requested dismissal of the entire lawsuit without allowing another amended complaint, arguing that the survivors had repeatedly failed to establish jurisdiction or a viable negligence claim. The filing represented an effort by the federal government to defeat the survivors' attempt to hold federal authorities financially and legally accountable for their handling of Epstein, without requiring a trial examining the full extent of those investigative failures.



to contact me:

[email protected]



source:

gov.uscourts.flsd.693362.110.0.pdf

Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.