The conundrum of how to de-risk and deter conflict with China is puzzling the West. But one country is ahead in figuring out how to deal with a changing China: Japan.

In the first episode of a two-part series, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, Alice Su, and our Tokyo bureau chief, Noah Sneider, discuss how Japan sees China, and ask whether—after a tangled history of trade ties and territorial disputes—the Sino-Japanese relationship is at a turning-point.

They speak to Aoki Shunichiro, a former director of Panasonic in Beijing, about how Japan’s post-war guilt shaped its economic engagement with China. And Sasae Kenichiro, a former ambassador to America, explains why his warnings of a decade ago about Chinese expansionism and aggression were not heeded.

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Taiwan is transfixed by Mazu. The tenth-century maiden lived in Fujian province–and according to legend, used her mystical powers to save relatives in a shipwreck. After she died she was venerated as a sea goddess. Despite her mainland roots, Mazu is worshipped widely in Taiwan. The Chinese government views Mazu as a tool to win Taiwanese hearts and minds.

The Economist’s senior China correspondent, Alice Su, meets devotees at a Mazu procession in Yuanlin, central Taiwan, and speaks to worshippers at a temple in Taipei which participates in pilgrimages to the mainland. Alice and The Economist’s Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, discuss whether the Communist Party’s plan to use Mazu will help it win over Taiwan. 

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Last year, China’s population began to decline for the first time since 1962 and its reign as the most populous country in the world is over.

The Economist’s Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, and senior China correspondent, Alice Su, discuss what China’s shrinking population means for its future and what scars the one-child policy has left behind. They travel to Yichan, a city in Heilongjiang province, where children are a rarity to ask what lessons can be learned on how to manage decline.

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In this second episode of a special two-part series, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, Alice Su, investigates China’s repressions of Uyghurs at home and abroad.

From 2017 to 2019 China locked up more than a million Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in  "re-education camps" in Xinjiang. During that time most Uyghurs living overseas were cut off from everyone they knew in China. Recently the Chinese Communist Party has closed many of the camps. It wants the world to forget what happened in Xinjiang and what is still happening today. It wants Uyghurs inside and outside China to keep quiet.

Alice Su explores how the Chinese state is able to control Uyghurs overseas through their families. She speaks to Nigara and Kewser, two Uyghurs who left China, about making the biggest decision of their lives; family or freedom?

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Uyghurs inside China have long been persecuted. From 2017 to 2019, more than a million Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities were locked up in "re-education camps" in Xinjiang. Many of the camps have now been closed but Uyghurs are threatened if they speak out. And the Chinese Communist Party is also trying to silence and control Uyghurs outside China.

In this first episode of a special two-part series, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, Alice Su, meets two Uyghurs, Nigara and Kewser, who have left China. What price do they each have to pay to stay in contact with their loved ones in China?

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China’s gay communities are facing a campaign of repression. LGBT support groups are being closed down and pride events are being cancelled. 

The Economist’s Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, and senior China correspondent, Alice Su, examine what the crackdown reveals about President Xi Jinping’s China. Darius Longarino of Yale Law School recalls the first time a marriage equality case came up in Chinese courts. And Raymond Phang, co-founder of Shanghai Pride, discusses why marginalised groups are seen as a national security threat. 

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 Unicorns are becoming a common sight in China. In 2022 there were more than 300 private firms valued at more than $1bn—more than double the number from just five years ago. Alice Su, The Economist’s senior China correspondent, and Don Weinland, our China business and finance editor, discuss what these valuable startups say about the country’s shifting industrial priorities and how they fit into President Xi Jinping’s plans for “self-reliance”.

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Xi Jinping wants to centralise power in China. Recently he’s created new law-enforcement agencies that are answerable to central-government ministries, as well as a new brigade of rural officials nicknamed nongguan. The public reaction has been loud and hostile. 

The Economist’s Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, and senior China correspondent, Alice Su, discuss the online backlash to the reforms and assess the driving force behind Xi’s focus on law and order. They also ask farmers in Henan whether the nongguan will end the deep-rooted corruption in the countryside. 

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“Born to Fly”, a new film made in collaboration with the People Liberation Army’s Air Force, recently jetted to the top of the Chinese box office. It’s drawn comparisons with “Top Gun: Maverick”, the Hollywood blockbuster starring Tom Cruise. 

The Economist’s Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, and senior China correspondent, Alice Su, discuss what these two films say about how China and America see themselves?

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The story of Kong Yiji, a miserable scholar-turned-beggar, written by Lu Xun in 1918 has gone viral among young Chinese. A record 11.6m of them are expected to graduate from university this year, but the unemployment rate for people aged 16 to 24 in cities is nearly 20%. 

The Economist’s Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, and senior China correspondent, Alice Su, discuss why the story of Kong Yiji has caused an argument between Chinese netizens and the state. They also hear from graduates about how they see their job prospects.

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