We host the EU Ombudswoman, former Portuguese politician Teresa Anjinho, who says she aims to make her office the "reference point for integrity issues". The office itself is called the EU Ombudsman, even though it has now been led by two women. It was established in the early 1990s as an independent institution that investigates complaints about poor administration by EU institutions and bodies. We discuss the priorities of her five-year mandate, which began this February, and the transparency issues surrounding scandals such as "Pfizergate", "Qatargate" and "Huaweigate".

We ask Anjinho about the increase in complaints to the Ombudsman where public access to documents has been denied. "So let's look at the bright side first," she answers. "If we have a rise in complaints, this is positive because in a way people are aware of the existence of the office and are also aware of their rights. Now the not-so-bright side is that, well, if they are complaining, it's because what we are promising in terms of citizens’ participation is not being complied with. It's the gap between expectations and reality. And you rightly pointed out a very important issue of transparency. We did have a rise of 42.2 percent in complaints last year, related mainly to access to documents. I think we do have room for improvement. It's clear that we need a framework that is more compliant with the needs of citizens, because access to documents goes hand in hand with a stronger democracy."

We talk about the undisclosed text messages between EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and the CEO of Pfizer during the Covid-19 pandemic. Anjinho says that she raised "Pfizergate" during a meeting with von der Leyen in June. "It was important for me to pass the message that this is a very important issue for my office," Anjinho states. "The ruling of the (EU General) Court was very clear in terms of good administration. And it implicitly recognised that text messages are documents. The court was also clear that the Commission should have done more in saying if it has the messages or not, if the messages were deleted automatically, or if it changed the mobile. So these questions will have to be addressed by the Commission, and hopefully they are committed to addressing them and being compliant with the court cases."

Anjinho has spoken about the importance of responsible lobbying, in the light of recurring scandals such as "Qatargate" and "Huaweigate". "We do have an integrity framework, and many institutions are doing their best to strengthen this integrity framework," she says. "However, when we have scandals like "Qatargate" and "Huaweigate" – that is actually pending a case in the Belgian courts – they damage the trust in and the reputation of the European Union as a whole, and you forget about all the efforts that the institutions are making."

We point out that the EU Parliament's Constitutional Affairs Committee blocked the independent EU ethics body mooted after "Qatargate", in a recent committee vote. "I believe [the ethics body] is a good idea because it establishes a body that is competent to have common standards between all institutions, including the Council," Anjinho responds. "However, what the citizen should also recognise is that this independent ethics body [would not] have the competence to receive complaints. But there are important institutions that do have this competence, namely the European Ombudsman. And I actually aim to guarantee that my office is recognised as a reference institution for integrity issues."

Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

North Macedonia is a strategically important country in the Western Balkans, which was granted EU candidate status nearly 20 years ago, alongside Croatia. But while Croatia has now long been a member of the EU, North Macedonia is still waiting. We look at the reasons for the many delays with the country's Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandar Nikoloski. We also discuss his official visit to France, a country that effectively blocked North Macedonia's EU membership in 2019 – although relations between the two countries are now much better, Nikoloski states.

Nikoloski describes how his whole adult life has been marked by the limbo surrounding North Macedonia's EU membership. "It is true that he we have been waiting for 25 years," he says. "It was 2000. I was in high school when we got an association status to the European Union during the [Thessaloniki] summit. Back in 2005, I was already at university, we got candidate status. And back in 2008, we got the first recommendation to open accession talks. At that time I was already a member of parliament for two years. Today it is 25 [years]. I'm deputy prime minister and we have still not opened accession talks. There are many reasons, but two are crucial. For a long period we had a veto by Greece. It was resolved back in 2018. Then there was the reform of the European Union and the block of France that you mentioned back in 2019. As soon as it was resolved in 2020, our dear friends from Bulgaria decided to issue a veto on us, and since then we are under veto of Bulgaria. Unfortunately our neighbourhood is as it is."

We put it to Nikoloski that the European Parliament has called on his country to make constitutional amendments and to include the Bulgarian minority in North Macedonia in those amendments. In other words, there is a European consensus asking for constitutional changes, rather than just Bulgaria. Nikoloski counters: "The substance of the problem is that Bulgaria is using its membership of the EU to put pressure on us. They are neglecting our language, our culture and our national identity. There are 14 decisions by the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg for the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria that Bulgaria is not implementing. So on one side, you don't respect what the European Court is saying. And on the other side, you abuse your position to block the neighbour. That's why we are stuck."

Again, we put it to Nikoloski that Bulgaria is not solely responsible for the delays in North Macedonia's EU accession. The European Commission, in its last enlargement report, gave arguably a lukewarm assessment, noting "some level of preparation" in key areas, while the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee has talked of "worsening trends in high-level corruption and low public trust in the judiciary". Nikoloski responds: "I totally agree. This government was elected one year ago and the biggest challenge was the judiciary. The public trust in the judiciary is only 2 percent, and we are not satisfied with the level of the judiciary and the prosecutor. We will do the reforms together (with the EU). There is a big expertise that is coming from the European Commission that we are using for this, and we are thankful for that."

Nikoloski also holds the transport portfolio in the government of North Macedonia, which is important given the country's connectivity projects. "We have a very unique geographical location. Two pan-European corridors are intersecting just east of our capital, Skopje, which is a unique case in the entire southeastern Europe," he says. One of those corridors was declared "as the second most important corridor for NATO because it is an alternative route for the supply of Ukraine", he explains. Nikoloski goes on to say: "We have huge plans and that is why we signed a government-to-government agreement with the United Kingdom, where we have £5 billion or €6 billion at our disposal for these kinds of projects. I'm looking for something similar as well in France, and we are looking for that kind of partnership with other countries in Europe as well."

Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

At a jam-packed EU summit in Brussels, we caught up with Sweden's EU Affairs Minister, Jessica Rosencrantz. Bouncing off Slovakia's and Hungary's opposition to a potential new round of Russia sanctions, she touches on the Hungarian government's ban on this Saturday's Pride march, insisting that the EU must be prepared to use "all the tools in its toolbox" to make sure that the rule of law is respected.

On the main thrust of the EU and NATO summits, Rosencrantz says: "It’s been a historic week. Leaders have agreed on a very ambitious 5 percent (of GDP spending on defence) target at the NATO summit and at the European Council. Sweden has full focus on this, and we have an eight-party agreement, so all the parties in the Swedish parliament agree to reach this target."

Rosencrantz elaborates: "In Sweden, we say that the support to Ukraine is our most important foreign policy priority. And we can also see now that Europe has actually surpassed the US when it comes to military support to Ukraine. We have a crucial role to play and we really have to maintain our focus, but not just by talking, but also by delivering concrete support. And that is something that the Nordic and Baltic countries are taking a lead in."

While talks on the latest potential round of sanctions stalled at the EU summit, Rosencrantz stresses that "Sweden has been pushing for the 18th sanctions package. We think it's really important to put further pressure on Russia alongside our direct support to Ukraine. Different countries have different views, but so far we have managed to agree on the previous 17 sanctions packages. So I have good faith."

Turning to the Hungarian governments controversial ban on the June 28 Pride march, Rosencrantz opines: "To me, it's really important to say that the EU is not just a geographical union. We're a union based on values. And as a member state, you have signed up to respecting fundamental values such as rule of law, anti-corruption, independent judiciary and for allowing people to be who they are and love who they are. So implementing legislation in Hungary, that basically means forbidding Pride parades, but also actually means imposing restrictions on people's possibility to meet or to express their opinions – that's a serious breach. So I think it's important to use all the tools in the toolbox."

Asked what concrete action could follow, she replies: "You know, we have different tools. One thing is, going into the upcoming negotiations on the [EU] budget, not a single euro should go to a country that does not respect rule of law or our basic common principles, and that's something that Sweden will be really pushing for in this multiannual framework. The second is to intervene, legally, in different court processes in the European Court of Justice. Right now, Sweden is intervening in many cases, including on the LGBT law. And also last but not least, we have Article Seven, which is sort of the ultimate tool in the toolbox. I think we should be prepared there to take the next step in discussing what we can do."

We also discuss the Middle East, and what leverage – if any – the EU has when it comes to Gaza. "The situation in Gaza is terrible. We are always standing up for Israel's right to defend itself against Hamas. But the way that Israel is conducting its warfare at the moment is unacceptable," Rosencrantz states, adding: "Sweden is actually the second-largest donor of humanitarian support to Gaza in the EU. And this humanitarian aid does not reach the people that need it. So we need to put pressure on Israel to make sure that humanitarian aid gets into Gaza. We have welcomed the review of the [Israel-EU] Association Agreement. And there are clear indications that Israel is not living up to all the standards that it should. What we want as a next step is to have clear recommendations on how we can take this process further. We're also pushing for sanctions against some of the ministers in the Israeli government who are not seeking a two-state solution and are hindering the way forward."

Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero and Agnès Le Cossec

We speak to Germany's Minister of State for Europe, Gunther Krichbaum, on the day that NATO leaders convened for a crunch summit in The Hague that approved a higher defence spending target of 5 percent of GDP. Krichbaum argues that the current "irritations" in the transatlantic relationship make it even more important for Europe to define its own interests, especially in defence policy. A staunch Francophile and French speaker, Krichbaum argues that it is time for Germany and France to find a consensus and an atmosphere of trust. "This is now the new dimension of French-German relations," he states.

While relations with France under the previous German government of Olaf Scholz were sometimes strained, Krichbaum suggests that things are changing under the new chancellor, Friedrich Merz. "It's no secret that we had different opinions between France and Germany in the past," Krichbaum says. "But the decisive point is that we have to finally find a consensus and to have an atmosphere of trust. And this, I think, is now the new dimension of French-German relations. We are not only opening a new page. We want to open a new chapter in German-French relations. But I think the instruments we have are sufficient. We don't need more common debts in Europe because the national states have a responsibility for their own national budgets." Krichbaum certainly does not exclude more European investment, but he says that "we should always take into account that we have to guarantee fair conditions between the generations. So that means not making more debts, more debts, more debts, but also thinking about the next generation, because this [debt] has to be paid back one day."

On NATO and European defence, Krichbaum asserts that "Europe has to stay together; it has to define its own interest. And especially in defence politics." The German government is planning to invest "3.5 percent of GDP directly for defence, and 1.5 percent for infrastructure, which helps to achieve the goals we have in common. This is ambitious, and it cannot be reached within the next year or in 2027. But finally it's a target, and it should be achieved together. Germany did not realise the 2 percent targets a few years ago, but I think the challenges are enormously high, and without security, we can do nothing in the world, nothing in Europe and nothing in Germany."

Recently, Russian President Vladimir Putin warned Berlin not to supply Taurus cruise missiles to Ukraine, while also saying that he is open to talking to the German chancellor. Krichbaum says that he personally was "always in favour of delivering Taurus, because it's necessary that Ukraine can defend itself. The United States wants to withdraw more and more from Ukraine because they concentrate more on the future on the Pacific. On China, Taiwan and the whole area. And so we have to concentrate on our task. And that means [supporting] Ukraine as a European country." He clarifies that no decision on Taurus has been made by the German government so far, but adds that "in the past we were transparent and so Putin could react because he knew at each stage what Europe will do next, what Germany will do next. And this transparency is not helpful".

Finally, asked about Berlin's steadfast support for Israel and the US in the conflict with Iran, Krichbaum asserts: "Nobody can live in peace thinking that the [Iranian] mullah regime has a nuclear weapon. So I would dare to say that if it was possible to destroy all the plants, the enrichment plants in Iran, then I think this is a contribution to more security, not only for the region, but for the world. And now it is also necessary to find further solutions in negotiations."

Programme prepared by Isabelle Romero, Perrine Desplats and Luke Brown

Talking Europe welcomes Ruslan Stefanchuk, Speaker and Chairperson of the Ukrainian Parliament. Elected in October 2021 – just months before Russia’s full-scale invasion – Stefanchuk is a seasoned political figure, a close ally of President Volodymyr Zelensky, and second in line to the presidency under Ukraine’s constitution. A respected legal scholar, he brings that expertise to bear in discussing the legal complexities surrounding the use of frozen Russian assets. We also examine Ukraine’s difficult road toward EU accession, its ongoing rule-of-law reforms, and what Kyiv needs most from its Western partners at this critical time.

Summing up his official visit to France, Stefanchuk says: “I came with words of gratitude to the French people for the active support that we have been receiving. But also I came with words of request, a request that we need to continue this fight together, together with our friends all over the world, including Europe and France. I came with the words that what is extremely needed now in Ukraine, is the air defence system. This issue is connected with providing Ukraine more weapons to make sure that we can withstand this attack.” 

Stefanchuk elaborates; “Let's be completely honest. War is a horrible math. Ukraine today is protecting the eastern flank of NATO from Russia's assault. And we are paying a terrible price for this. We're paying with the lives of our best sons and daughters.  War includes the financial component, the military component and, unfortunately, the human component. And we must understand that, in order to win this war, we need to have all these components filled in. And of course, we are going to work with our partners to make sure that if we have less financial support (from the US), we'll be asking Europe to increase its support for Ukraine.” 

Stefanchuk adds that he also came to France to discuss the issue of frozen Russian assets, and “legal solutions” to unlocking the assets. Many EU governments – including France – do not want to set an international legal precedent by fully using the assets. But Stefanchuk argues that if this is not done, a different kind of precedent will be set. “We must find the mechanism to make sure that the one who violates the law is made accountable for these violations,” he states. “If this is not done, then in the near future, anyone who has the strength, the power, and has no conscience, will do whatever they like, knowing that their assets are guaranteed. No! We must create the precedent according to which every criminal must know that they will pay for war with their money.” 

We turn to Ukraine’s EU accession process, which has run into Hungarian opposition, despite the European Commission saying that Ukraine has “done its homework” in three negotiating clusters. 

“Ukraine, despite the war, is fulfilling all its obligations to the European Union. We adopt the laws, we carry out reforms. We are not asking for some excuses for Ukraine, for some simplified track,” Stefanchuk asserts. “We honestly take our path, but we are also counting on the same kind of honesty from our European partners. And we want to make sure that Hungary is not a country that is Putin's veto on Ukraine's accession to the EU. Putin is not an EU member. He has no right of veto in the EU. This, I believe, is becoming a big threat for all the countries of the European Union, for all the NATO countries, because Putin is using some countries to block the alliance decisions. So this is a huge challenge.” 

Stefanchuk is adamant there is “no backtracking at all” on anti-corruption reforms, despite the country slipping slightly in Transparency International’s last Corruption Perceptions Index (2024). 

“The situation has changed”, Stefanchuk remarks. “The Ukraine of 2025 is a different country from the Ukraine of 2005. Today we can hold top officials accountable, demonstrating to others that the fight against corruption is irreversible in our country. For example, the ex-head of the Supreme Court received a suspicion, and a couple of ministers received this notification of suspicion. That's the first time ever in the history of Ukraine. Ukraine's President Zelensky, the prime minister, and I, we all have a zero-tolerance approach to corruption.” 

Many countries were deeply concerned about Israel’s attack on Iran on June 13. But Stefanchuk reminds viewers that “Iran’s Shahed drones terrorise Ukrainians every night. Of course, the weaker Iran and North Korea are, and the weaker Russia is, the better it is for us. The less peaceful citizens will suffer and the less Ukrainian infrastructure will suffer, the closer we will be to our common victory.” 

 

Programme produced by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats and Isabelle Romero

Threats to the rule of law and democratic values persist, and are getting worse in some areas. That is the message from MEPs following an analysis of the EU Commission’s latest annual rule of law report, covering the year 2024. 

Parliament's assessment of the report was adopted by the Committee on Civil Liberties in May, and then approved in the parliament’s plenary session in June. MEPs are pointing to restrictions on the right of assembly, and a shrinking civic space. They are also calling for better protection of vulnerable groups from discrimination.  

This as tensions rise over the Hungarian government's ban on the Pride March, and as campaigners in Poland worry about women's rights and the question of abortion following the victory of arch-conservative Karol Nawrocki in the presidential election. 

Programme produced by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero and Luke Brown 

We speak to the president of NATO's Parliamentary Assembly, just hours after Israel launched major strikes on Iran's military and nuclear sites. Marcos Perestrello is a Portuguese politician and a former secretary of state for national defence in Portugal. He calls for "de-escalation" in the Middle East and more nuclear diplomacy, while also making the case that Iran is a threat to the region and to global security, and that the development of a nuclear programme in Iran would be "an even bigger threat to global security".

We start by asking Perestrello about the NATO secretary-general's calls to de-escalate the situation in the Middle East, following Israel's major strikes against Iran on June 13. "Mark Rutte made a wise appeal to the NATO countries to contribute to the de-escalation of this conflict between Israel and Iran," Perestrello answers, adding that "Iran is not a friendly country of NATO, of Europe. Iran is supporting Russia in its war against Ukraine. It is supplying deadly weapons to Russia. Iran is a threat to the region and to global security, and the development of a nuclear programme in Iran will be an even bigger threat to global security".

Perestrello goes on: "This was a unilateral decision by Israel, which probably feels more threatened by the Iranian nuclear programme. There are, as far as we know, ongoing negotiations between Iran and the US regarding that nuclear programme. So those negotiations should continue to create an environment favourable for the de-escalation of this conflict. We don't need another conflict in the Middle East to add to the situation in Gaza and to the war in Ukraine."

Asked about the current strains in the transatlantic relationship, Perestrello sounds an optimistic note. "The tariff issue is quite demanding for everybody. But on what matters – NATO and the strategic relationship with the European countries – the position of the US administration has been constant and coherent," he asserts. "They are constantly demanding more investment from us – from the European allies and from Canada. They are demanding a stronger Alliance. And, at the end, we want the same. You cannot rely only on one of the allies. You need a serious contribution from all the allies. So on that we agree."

We discuss the defence spending target that is on the table at the upcoming NATO summit in The Hague: 5 percent of GDP.  It is "5 percent, or 3.5 percent plus 1.5 percent, because 3.5 is the real hardcore defence spending and the 1.5 is for resilience infrastructure," Perestrello explains. "The credibility of the target will depend on the timeline you put on it. If you go to The Hague and ask for countries to reach 5 percent of spending in 2026, that's not credible. So you need a plan to get there, a reasonable plan, a reasonable deadline, because we all know that it's very expensive to invest in defence, but it's also much more expensive to invest in war. And to avoid war, we need strong defence and strong deterrence."

Asked how burden-sharing between NATO and the EU should work, Perestrello says: "I believe that the European Union should not have the ambition to replace NATO. The European Union has its role, and NATO has its own role, too. If each one of them does what it knows best, the result will be astonishing. If NATO concentrates on defence, on deterrence, and if the European Union concentrates on helping the member states to create new instruments, to develop industrial capacities, to make the [Stability and Growth] Pact rules more flexible, then the European Union will be stronger and NATO will be stronger."

Programme prepared by Oihana Almandoz, Agnès Le Cossec, Georgina Robertson and Perrine Desplats

The EU says science is the key to its future. But is it putting its money where its mouth is? Earlier this year, the French government agreed to cuts in the country's research budget and over the past year, science powerhouses such as Germany, Italy and the Netherlands have proposed or implemented cuts in their research sectors. Those working in universities and research centres say there is a stark gap between the way the EU is presenting itself as a magnet for global talent – the pitch that the French government and the European Commission made at their "Choose Europe for Science" conference in Paris in early May – and the reality.

To make Europe more attractive, the EU executive says a €500 million package will be proposed for the 2025-2027 period. Part of that outreach is aimed at American researchers, who say their work is being jeopardised by the Trump administration's cuts. But the €500 million sum is the equivalent of just a fraction of the yearly endowment of a top US university such as Harvard or Yale.

We delve into the issue with two MEPs.

Programme produced by Perrine Desplats, Isabelle Romero and Luke Brown

We speak with the Co-Chair of The Left Group in the European Parliament, French MEP Manon Aubry. A noted advocate for transparency in the EU institutions, she was also a negotiator of the "Duty of Care Directive", which now faces calls for its abolition. Aubry says the directive is absolutely crucial for holding multinational corporations to account when it comes to labour and environmental abuses. She sees the EU Commission's "simplification" agenda as Trump-style deregulation.

Aubry reacts to the recent EU General Court ruling over undisclosed vaccine deal text messages between EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and the CEO of the pharmaceutical company Pfizer during the Covid-19 pandemic. The court's decision was hailed as a victory for transparency, but von der Leyen has not made the text messages public.

"Well, it's a scandal, let's be honest," Aubry says. "And let's face it, the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, has been negotiating the contract with Pfizer for the vaccines. The price of the vaccines has been increasing out of nowhere, probably from direct negotiations. And those SMS were not just like me sending you a nice and friendly SMS; 'Do you want to have a drink'? No, it was about negotiation of public money. So she has to be held accountable for that. I think, to be honest, she should be resigning."

Aubry puts the "Pfizergate" controversy in the context of broader concerns about a lack of transparency in the EU institutions.

"How many scandals have we had over the last few years? You might remember 'Qatargate', and the recent 'Huaweigate', Aubry says. "The core of the issue is opacity. Everything that is dealt, negotiated, agreed upon in the European institutions is done within closed doors, with no possibility for journalists, for NGOs, for citizens to hold the politicians accountable. And that's a problem. We need the independent ethics body that we've been advocating [for], but we also need to take of money out [of the European Parliament]. As an MEP, you should not take a single cent outside of the money that you earn as an MEP."

Aubry draws a parallel between attempts to simplify corporate due diligence and sustainability directives and French President Emmanuel Macron's call to remove "Duty of Care" requirements on multinationals.

"This is a trend that is following Trump, quite simply. It's deregulation," Aubry states. "The 'Duty of Care' text is one that I negotiated over the last five years. It's been adopted only a year ago. So democratically speaking, killing a directive that has been adopted only a year ago, that companies were starting to get ready to implement, is a bit of a problem. But most importantly, why is that 'Duty of Care' Directive important? You know, if you take all of the big multinationals, take Nike, take Total, take Carrefour, take Vinci, take whatever companies; they make profits out of the exploitation of workers and the environment. So the principle is very simple for that directive. We are just saying that companies will have to be responsible for their subcontractors, for the whole value chain, because they cannot make profits out of this. They will have to be careful. It's a duty of care! So they will have to prevent human rights violations. And if there are human rights violations, then they can be held responsible and pay fines for it."

Aubry calls on progressive forces in the European Parliament to get together and block the watering down of such legislative acts. "To be honest, the Socialists are giving up," Aubry laments. "On the 'Stop-the-clock' directive, which is postponing the implementation of the 'Duty of Care' legislation, precisely to water it down, they voted in favour! How come they voted in favour? They were on our side to negotiate that directive, and now they agree to water it down. So I think this goes beyond that directive. It's a big question now for the whole left, for the Greens, for the Socialists, for all the progressives. Where are you? And what will you tell your kids?"

Aubry has been supporting women's reproductive freedoms, particularly in Poland amid the election of the arch-conservative president, Karol Nawrocki. "You know, there was a time when French women were going to Poland to get abortions. And now it's the other way around," Aubry points out. "And I want to tell all the feminist activists in Poland: we are together with you. We're going to keep helping you. I'm going to be back in Poland early July. I'm going to bring back abortion pills. I'm going to keep fighting to get abortion into the EU Charter for Fundamental Rights. We are in 2025. How come we're still fighting for that very simple right of abortion?"

Aubry is a well-known advocate for the Palestinian cause. We ask her if French President Emmanuel Macron is backtracking from his earlier signals that he would recognise a Palestinian state. "It looks like it. There's at least a strong hesitation," she replies. "And I remember when he made his first declaration, he said, well, that it was not the right moment to recognise the state of Palestine. But when will be the right moment? We've got 100 percent of the 2 million Palestinians living in Gaza that are at risk of famine. We've got people dying every single day under the bombs of Israel. We've got an embargo on humanitarian aid. And in the meantime, France is still delivering weapons to Israel. So I will keep fighting strongly to suspend the Association Agreement, the trade association agreement between Israel and the EU. I'll keep fighting for an embargo on weapons. We need to support Gaza. We need to support the Palestinians, because what is at stake in Gaza is not only the Palestinians. It's our humanity. And that's the humanity that we should be fighting for."

Programme prepared by Luke Brown, Perrine Desplats, Oihana Almandoz and Isabelle Romero

Europe is trying to put itself at the forefront of the global ocean agenda, releasing its Ocean Pact ahead of a United Nations Oceans Conference in the French coastal city of Nice. More than 90 percent of EU marine waters are overexploited by industrial fishing, seabed mining and growing offshore infrastructure, according to Seas At Risk, an association of environmental organisations from across Europe. And yet, healthy oceans are the precondition for breathing healthy air, ensuring sustainable food supplies and securing energy independence – as more of our electricity is set to come from the sea.

With oceans being so interconnected with so much else in our lives, it's not surprising that MEPs are saying the EU should give its ocean policy higher priority, and lead by example at UNOC in Nice.

We discuss what's at stake with two MEPs.