David McNally's Slavery and Capitalism: A New Marxist History (U California Press, 2025)presents the first systematic Marxist account of the capitalist character of Atlantic slavery. McNally argues that enslaved labour within the plantation system constituted capitalist commodity production, and crucially, reframes the resistance of enslaved people as profound labour struggles.

He posits a "social conception of freedom", contrasting it with the liberal individualist view, asserting that for enslaved people, freedom was communal and collective, as no individual could break the structures of slavery alone. The book revives a "forgotten critical Marxist tradition" that consistently upheld the capitalist nature of New World slavery, drawing on three crucial thinkers:

C.L.R. James, who argued that the collective labour of enslaved sugar cane workers on Haitian plantations was "closer to a modern proletariat than any group of workers in the world at the time".

W.E.B. Du Bois, who described the overthrow of slavery in the U.S. Civil War as a "general strike of the slaves," recognizing their withdrawal of labour as commodity producers.

Sylvia Wynter, who referred to this "new world enslaved class" as the "plantation proletariat," seeing them as "the most thoroughly modern social class".

At the heart of McNally's analysis is the concept of the "chattel proletariat," which he describes as the "pivot point" of his analysis. This concept challenges the idea that the proletariat must mean "free workers". He demonstrates that enslaved people were economically bonded to capital, much like "free" labourers are bonded by economic necessity, with both forms of labour exploited for surplus value. Contrary to common belief, enslaved workers on Atlantic plantations "regularly used the strike weapon," engaging in collective acts like mass strikes (e.g., Toussaint Louverture's call, Bussa's rebellion, the 1831 Jamaica strikes, and Du Bois's "general strike"). These actions lead McNally to assert they were "among the foremost innovators in mass strikes" and should be recognized as part of the proletariat, necessitating a rewriting of modern labour history.

McNally incorporates the insights of Marxist feminists and social reproduction theorists, emphasizing the "life-making" aspect of the chattel proletariat. He highlights that enslaved Black women not only produced commodities but also performed the essential, gendered labour of reproducing human existence. He also stresses the "necessity of theory" in historical analysis, arguing that empirical approaches alone cannot grasp "collective social processes" without a broader theoretical framework of commodity and social relationships. This book represents a significant confrontation with racial capitalism, weaving together McNally's long-standing interests in political economy and anti-racist commitments.

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