Solutions With David Ansara

Solutions With David Ansara

By David AnsaraNewsPolitics
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Solutions With David Ansara episodes

  • Russell Lamberti on cultural communities in South Africa

    How do we build a sustainable social order in South Africa? In this episode of the Solutions With David Ansara podcast, I speak with Russell Lamberti, Chief Economist at Sakeliga, about cultural communities in South Africa.  

    Russell and I analyse the causes and consequences of state failure in South Africa. How do we preserve liberty, safety and prosperity for South Africans when the state is failing to maintain its basic duties and obligations towards us as citizens?

    Russell advocates for high degrees of decentralisation, and a federal model of governance. The current unitary system is too centralized, and ineffective at managing the various conflicting needs of a heterogenous society, he says.   

    We also unpack the idea of cultural communities in South Africa. How compatible are these concepts of group identity with an individual rights framework, I ask?  

    TIMESTAMPS  

    (00:00) Introduction

    (00:28) Russell Lamberti on the breakdown of social order in South Africa
    (08:15) Russell Lamberti on the the benefits of decentralised political systems
    (19:15) Russell Lamberti on mitigating the risk of inter-ethnic conflict
    (30:58) Russell Lamberti on cultural communities and individual rights
    (47:18) Russell Lamberti on the decline of ANC hegemony
    (57:09) Conclusion

    58 min
  • John Endres and Frans Cronje on SA's next transition

    In this episode of the Solutions With David Ansara podcast, I speak with John Endres and Frans Cronje – the incoming and outgoing CEOs of the Institute of Race Relations – about the "next transition" in South African politics, and what this means for the future of the country.  

    We discuss the ongoing decline of the ANC, first predicted by the IRR in 2012, and how this will define SA politics in the run-up to the national and provincial elections in 2024.   

    Will the various opposition parties be able to put aside their differences and work together to form a broad front against the ANC and the EFF, I ask?  How will this affect service delivery across the country and how should individuals and communities respond to this interregnum? 

    We also explore the IRR's mission of advancing classical liberalism in South Africa, and its role in fighting the "battle of ideas".


    TIMESTAMPS

    (00:00) Intro

    (00:19) Frans Cronje on the decline of ANC dominance
    (02:32) John Endres on the political realignment
    (07:37) Frans Cronje on Herman Mashaba and ActionSA
    (14:54) John Endres on the future of the ANC
    (20:18) Frans Cronje on the coalition dynamics in SA
    (25:24) John Endres on how hung councils will affect service delivery
    (29:56) Frans Cronje on developing a 'Plan B'
    (32:49) John Endres on what the EFF will do
    (35:29) Frans Cronje on the IRR and the battle of ideas
    (40:36) Frans Cronje on Critical Race Theory vs. non-racialism
    (44:05) John Endres on the future of the IRR
    (48:35) John Endres on the principles of the IRR
    (49:42) Conclusion


    WATCH this episode on YouTube: https://youtu.be/nouCtKsiebc

    53 min
  • Gabriel Crouse on the post-election fallout

    This week, South Africa concluded one of the most consequential elections of the democratic era. 

    In this episode of Solutions With David Ansara, I unpack the election results – and their impact on the future of South African politics – with Gabriel Crouse of the Institute of Race Relations.   

    TIMESTAMPS  

    (00:00) Intro

    (00:28) Gabriel Crouse on understanding the election results
    (02:16) Gabriel Crouse on the record-low voter turnout
    (07:01) Gabriel Crouse on the decline of ANC dominance
    (12:20) Gabriel Crouse on ActionSA  
    (18:18) Gabriel Crouse on the DA
    (25:52) Gabriel Crouse on the EFF
    (30:18) Gabriel Crouse on political realignment in SA
    (37:15) Gabriel Crouse on the attempt to delay the elections
    (40:23) Gabriel Crouse on ending the State of Disaster
    (43:12) Conclusion

    45 min
  • Mark Oppenheimer on defending the Constitution

    South Africa's Constitution is widely lauded, but how strong is constitutional democracy and the rule of law in SA?  

    In this episode of Solutions With David Ansara, I speak with Advocate Mark Oppenheimer of the Johannesburg Bar about defending South Africa's Constitution.   

    We discuss Mark's new podcast, Constitutional Landmarks, which explores the most significant judgements handed down by the ConCourt since its inception, including the Nkandla judgement against former president Jacob Zuma, the abolition of the death penalty, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), gay marriage, and access to HIV/AIDS treatment.

    Mark and I discuss the origins of the Constitution, which is the product of a negotiated political settlement between the outgoing Apartheid regime and the incoming ANC government. As a result, the final document became something of a patchwork of compromises and political agreements.

    Mark points out that one of the founding values of the Constitution is non-racialism: "The original meaning of the term is that you don't allocate burdens and benefits on the basis of race, he says. "People ought to be judged on the content of their character and not the colour of their skin."  

    However, Mark notes that the principle of non-racialism is often contradicted by government policy and social behaviour. He highlights the recent elections for the Legal Practitioners' Council, the body that runs his profession, where certain seats were allocated on the grounds of race. This has resulted in black female candidates being removed from their seats for being 'overly-represented'. "The Constitution promises certain things, but as a society we still need to work quite hard to ensure that those are provided," Mark says.

    We also discuss the notion of redress for past wrongs, and the folly of the proposed amendments to section 25 of the Constitution (the Property Rights Clause), as well as whether the Truth and Reconciliation Commission achieved a just outcome for victims of gross human rights violations.  

    How do we as ordinary citizens ensure that we uphold the values of the Constitution, I ask? 

    Protecting and upholding constitutional principles requires active citizens bringing cases before the Constitutional Court, Mark says. NGOs and other interested parties can do this, but litigation is expensive. Crowdfunding initiatives such as those run by organisations like the Institute of Race Relations and Afriforum can do a lot to shape our constitutional framework, he says.  

    Mark notes that a Constitution is not simply a piece of paper. "It's not only about rights, it's a culture," he says. This requires us to hold government to account and ensure that our rights are protected. "The price of freedom is constant vigilance," he says. "If you do nothing, then tyranny will prevail."


    TIMESTAMPS  

    (00:00) Intro

    (00:41) Mark Oppenheimer on his new podcast, 'Constitutional Landmarks'
    (03:11) Mark Oppenheimer on the history of the South African Constitution
    (09:08) Mark Oppenheimer on equality  
    (11:50) Mark Oppenheimer on the supremacy of the Constitution
    (15:20) Mark Oppenheimer on strengthening the rule of law
    (18:09) Mark Oppenheimer on Expropriation Without Compensation
    (22:05) Mark Oppenheimer on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
    (32:25) Mark Oppenheimer on 'Transformania'
    (36:07) Mark Oppenheimer on the Judicial Services Commission
    (38:28) Mark Oppenheimer on defending the constitution
    (40:19) Mark Oppenheimer on his appearances before the Constitutional Court
    (43:29) Conclusion


    RESOURCES


    SUBSCRIBE to 'Constitutional Landmarks' on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/c/ConstitutionalLandmarks 

    LISTEN on your preferred podcast app: https://anchor.fm/constitutional-landmarks

    45 min
  • Ian Cameron on winning the fight against crime

    How do we solve South Africa's violent crime problem in the absence of a capable police service? In this episode of 'Solutions With David Ansara' I speak with Ian Cameron, a community safety specialist with Action Society, a civil society organisation dedicated to improving safety and security in South Africa. We start the conversation with a frank assessment of the South African Police Service, an institution in rapid decline. 

    Starved of resources and subjected to political interference, the police are unable to contain the growing epidemic of violence in our society. Although many good cops remain in the service, they are overwhelmed, under-resourced and poorly led. 

    This lack of capacity is evidenced by the almost complete breakdown in the SAPS’ DNA registry, which currently has a backlog of over 300,000 cases. As a consequence, many cases of sexual violence and murder have not been prosecuted. 

    The breakdown in law and order reached its zenith in July 2021, when riots swept through KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng. Ian notes that well-armed community safety groups were critical in preventing even more damage and chaos, and offers some practical advice for coordinating voluntary safety structures at the community level. 

    How do we avoid a descent into vigilantism, I ask? Ian says that legislation is in place which governs the conduct of community groups and that these act as a necessary check on excessive actions, but more needs to be done extend and strengthen this governance framework. 

    Ian’s solution to our law and order problem is to decentralise policing to the provincial and local level. The Western Cape could serve as a model case of devolved policing, he says, given the rampant violence in areas such as Grassy Park in Cape Town, which has the highest citizen-to-police ratio than in the country.

    Law and order is the bedrock of a free and prosperous society. We cannot wait for politicians to change course. We must adopt an ethos of personal responsibility and take the safety of our families and communities into our own hands. 

    TIMESTAMPS   

    (00:00) Intro

    (00:38) Ian Cameron's community safety work
    (02:26) Ian Cameron on violent crime in South Africa
    (04:18) Ian Cameron on why the SAPS is failing
    (06:20) Ian Cameron on the SAPS DNA backlog
    (08:41) Ian Cameron on the July riots
    (10:47) Ian Cameron on empowering communities to fight crime
    (15:18) Ian Cameron on responsible firearm ownership
    (17:25) Ian Cameron on the Firearms Control Amendment Bill
    (19:07) Ian Cameron on devolution of policing in the Western Cape
    (25:18) Ian Cameron on what he would do as head of police in the Western Cape
    (27:59) Ian Cameron on the Scorpions  
    (29:55) Ian Cameron on preventing vigilantism
    (32:28) Ian Cameron on rural safety and farm murders
    (34:52) Ian Cameron's work with AfriForum
    (36:58) Ian Cameron's work with Action Society
    (38:30) Ian Cameron on Western Cape Independence
    (41:51) Conclusion  

    RESOURCES   

    Action Society: https://actionsociety.co.za/  

    Firearms.co.za: https://firearms.co.za/  

    #SafeCitizen campaign: https://www.safecitizen.co.za/

    43 min
  • Geordin Hill-Lewis on fulfilling Cape Town’s potential
    In this episode of Solutions With David Ansara podcast, I speak with Geordin Hill-Lewis, the Democratic Alliance mayoral candidate for the City of Cape Town, about his plans for fulfilling Cape Town's significant potential.  
    Geordin became a Member of Parliament in 2011 and has served in various portfolio committees, including Trade and Industry, and Finance. He is "singularly obsessed with economic growth", and unlocking economic opportunities for all Capetonians is a key part of his campaign.   
    As Geordin explains, runaway government spending at the national level is having a damaging impact on local service delivery. As the fiscal deficit widens and debt soars, budgets for housing, policing and transport have all been slashed. The question Geordin poses is this: "How do you insulate well-run parts of the country from this slow-bleed devastation?"  
    One area where the City can distinguish itself is energy security, especially given the perennial problem of loadshedding, which we yet again experienced throughout the country this week. 
    Should the DA win the election on 1 November, Geordin is aiming to assert the interests of the City by crowding-in independent power producers (IPPs) and not waiting for "clarity or permission" from the National Department of Mineral Resources and Energy. A small gap has been created by the lifting of the cap on private energy generation to 100MW, and Geordin wants to "kick the door open".  
    We also discuss how Capetonians can work together to improve safety and security in their neighbourhoods, especially given the rapidly declining capacity of the SA Police Service (SAPS) in the Western Cape to maintain law and order. We reflect on what the July riots reveal about the state of policing in South Africa, and Geordin's plans to devolve policing down to the provincial and local level. I also ask him about the controversial posters that were recently erected by his party colleagues in KwaZulu-Natal.  
    I also ask Geordin about his views on the Cape Independence movement. Geordin is sympathetic with the "emotional impetus" for why people support secession, which he says is a "massive compliment" of the DA's model of government in the Western Cape. However, he doesn't support the call for independence, preferring a federal system based on devolution to the local level, a model which he believes would benefit the whole of South Africa.   
    TIMESTAMPS  
    (00:00) Intro
    (00:22) Geordin Hill-Lewis on accelerating Cape Town's economic growth
    (02:38) Geordin Hill-Lewis on South Africa's current economic problems
    (06:00) Geordin Hill-Lewis on how to end loadshedding in Cape Town
    (08:28) Geordin Hill-Lewis on crowding-in independent power producers
    (10:11) Geordin Hill-Lewis on how to push back against harmful national policies
    (14:01) Geordin Hill-Lewis on conflicting powers between different spheres of government
    (16:45) Geordin Hill-Lewis on safety and security in Cape Town
    (23:30) Geordin Hill-Lewis on protecting Cape Town's infrastructure
    (23:39) Geordin Hill-Lewis on community safety initiatives
    (28:28) Geordin Hill-Lewis on the DA's poster campaign in KwaZulu-Natal
    (30:05) Geordin Hill-Lewis on solving Cape Town's housing back-log  
    (36:40) Geordin Hill-Lewis on easing the tax burden on ratepayers
    (40:02) Geordin Hill-Lewis on making Cape Town an attractive destination for business
    (44:52) Geordin Hill-Lewis on Cape Independence
    (50:16) Geordin Hill-Lewis on why he got involved in politics
    (53:48) Geordin Hill-Lewis on liberal democracy in South Africa
    (56:13) Geordin Hill-Lewis on coalition politics
    (57:38) Conclusion
    WATCH this episode on YouTube: https://youtu.be/Z0Qvc_-FQeM
    59 min
  • Stephen Davies on the political realignment
    Is the world undergoing a fundamental political realignment?  In this episode of the 'Solutions With David Ansara' podcast, I speak with economic historian, Stephen Davies, of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) in the United Kingdom. 
    We discuss the new political alignment and what this means for societies around the world.  Davies argues that political competition tends to revolve around a single binary, with political actors coalescing into broad coalitions on either side of a dominant aligning issue.   
    The 'old' political alignment of the 1960s to the 2010s was characterised primarily by a debate over the role of the state in the economy (along with a secondary aligning issue of whether the government should regulate people's personal lives, or adopt a more socially liberal approach).  
    However, over the past five years, a new binary has emerged, with questions of identity now the defining issue of modern politics. The new division is between those who favour cosmopolitan globalism, and those who are hostile to globalisation and who want to reassert "the local, the particular and, above all, the national," Davies says.  
    This latter kind of politics is sometimes described as 'populist', but Davies prefers the term 'national collectivist'. This combines a strongly dirigiste economic policy with an antipathy towards economic globalisation, including strict controls on immigration, trade protectionism, and an emphasis on the economic role of the state.  
    We also discuss how the Global Financial Crisis caused a loss of confidence in political elites; the problem with adopting a technocratic approach to politics; why Brexit happened (and how it changed British politics); the importance of bottom-up solutions to contemporary social problems; the benefits of open borders; and how to win the intellectual argument for liberalism.
    TIMESTAMPS  
    (00:00) Introduction
    (00:34) Stephen Davies on the old political alignment
    (05:55) Stephen Davies on the global financial crisis
    (12:22) Stephen Davies on the new political alignment
    (20:57) Stephen Davies on Brexit
    (25:57) Stephen Davies on managing the fallout of creative destruction
    (32:27) Stephen Davies on bottom-up approaches to politics
    (37:47) Stephen Davies on open borders
    (46:27) Stephen Davies on pandemics
    (51:18) Stephen Davies on making politics more local
    (54:08) Stephen Davies on winning the battle of ideas
    (57:18) Conclusion  
    RESOURCES  
    'The Economics and Politics of Brexit: The Realignment of British Public Life' by Stephen Davies 
    'Immigration and Freedom' by Chandran Kukathas
    VIDEO
    WATCH this episode on YouTube
    58 min
  • John Kane-Berman on the legacy of the Institute of Race Relations
    In this episode of the Solutions With David Ansara podcast, I speak to John Kane-Berman about the legacy of the South African Institute of Race Relations (IRR).  
    John led the Institute from 1983 until 2014, and this conversation shines a light on the history of South Africa's oldest liberal organisation, and details John's role in its activities and ideas.   
    We start the discussion with a review of John's early career as a labour journalist, where he chronicled the mass entry of black workers into South Africa's labour market in defiance of the Colour Bar and the job reservation policies of apartheid (which John detailed in his first book, 'The Silent Revolution').  
    John and I also go back further in time to discuss the genesis and history of the Institute. Founded in 1929, the IRR was established to work for "peace, goodwill and practical cooperation" between the races. The annual Survey, published since the 1940s, meticulously documented the draconian segregationist policies of the time, and their devastating impact on black South Africans.  
    As the National Party tightened its grip on South Africa, the IRR took on a more activist and overtly political role, advocating for democratic representation for all South Africans, the rule of law, non-violence, non-racialism, and a market economy. This put the Institute firmly at odds with the political establishment of the time.
    In the 1980s, when the apartheid system began to break down under the pressure of its own internal contradictions, the ANC's 'People's War' intensified as it prepared to take power. Tens of thousands of innocent people lost their lives at the hands of the ANC (mostly black supporters of the IFP and Black Consciousness organisations such as AZAPO).
    Simultaneously, the Institute was beset by internal divisions as pressure was brought to bear on liberal organisations to join the ANC-aligned United Democratic Front. John knew and understood the violent and socialist character of the ANC. He refused to submit to this pressure, against the opposition of many colleagues who subsequently left the organisation and who remain vocal critics of the IRR today.  
    The IRR stood firmly by its liberal principles and remained critical of the ANC into the democratic era, challenging the 'National Democratic Revolution' ideology of the party as it first assumed and then consolidated its power over the ensuing decades. Under the new government, the IRR again took flak for standing up to race-based 'empowerment' laws, as well as for opposing Expropriation Without Compensation (EWC).   
    As the ANC's failings become manifest and the capacity of the state breaks down, the Institute continues to grow and evolve in response to these challenges. But it will always remain steadfast in its commitment to the liberal ideal and consistent with its historical mission to defend the freedom and prosperity of all South Africans.
    TIMESTAMPS
    (00:00:00) Intro
    (00:00:57) John Kane-Berman on his early career as a journalist
    (00:08:39) John Kane-Berman's leadership of the Institute of Race Relations
    (00:13:04) John Kane-Berman on the history of the Institute of Race Relations
    (00:18:47) John Kane-Berman on the liberal tradition in South Africa
    (00:22:21) John Kane-Berman on the ANC's People's War
    (00:27:22) John Kane-Berman on the liberal slideaway
    (00:33:00) John Kane-Berman on the socialist ideology of the ANC
    (00:42:55) John Kane-Berman on the ANC in power
    (00:49:42) John Kane-Berman on the IRR's opposition to racial laws
    (00:52:46) John Kane-Berman on the IRR's defense of property rights
    (00:56:38) John Kane-Berman on the Bill of Rights
    (00:58:45) John Kane-Berman on joining the battle of ideas
    (01:02:44) Conclusion
    RES
    1 hr 4 min
  • Dawie Roodt on kick-starting South Africa's economy

    South Africa's economy is flatlining. How do we kick-start economic activity to ensure higher levels of investment and growth?   

    In this episode of the Solutions With David Ansara podcast, I speak to Dawie Roodt, Chief Economist and Director of the Efficient Group, about how to fix South Africa's ailing economy.

    Dawie and I analyse the causes of South Africa's recent decline, which has more to do with political factors than economic ones: the outsized influence of the Tripartite Alliance on labour policy; the damaging effects of the Expropriation Without Compensation (EWC) debate on investor sentiment; the risk of National Health Insurance (NHI), which would crowd out private medical savings; and many other harmful policies.

    Dawie is critical of the much-vaunted idea of the 'developmental state', which is premised on an efficient and effective civil service that South Africa simply does not have.  The growth in the size and scope of the state has merely facilitated patronage distribution and corruption, Dawie argues.

    Government has also attempted to widen South Africa's social security net, particularly during the pandemic, which has resulted in severe problems for the country's fiscal accounts, with government expenditure far exceeding revenue collection. Consequently, public debt is projected to balloon to 80% of GDP.  

    There are a few ways that South Africa can get out of its current debt spiral: we can cut our way out (austerity); we can increase taxes; we can grow our way out; or we can inflate our debt away by eroding the value of the currency (watch out for growing political pressure on the Reserve Bank to loosen monetary policy). High inflation will be devastating to savers and the poor in South Africa, he argues.   

    What would Dawie do if he were in charge of economic policy, I ask? Simple. He would liberalise the labour market, remove minimum wages, guarantee property rights, abolish BEE and sell off state-owned enterprises.  

    Dawie also offers some advice for South Africans looking to protect their income and their assets from state failure, including (legally) minimising your tax exposure, and providing services that the state is no longer able to provide, such as education and infrastructure.  

    There are many areas of the global economy that offer significant upside, he says. These include emerging opportunities in the technology sector, offshore investments, and cryptocurrencies.  


    TIMESTAMPS 

    (00:00) Introduction

    (00:30) Dawie Roodt on why the South African economy isn't growing
    (01:53) Dawie Roodt on why economic policy is hostile to business
    (04:26) Dawie Roodt on the growing dependency on the state
    (06:10) Dawie Roodt on the role of the Tripartite Alliance
    (09:17) Dawie Roodt on South Africa's new finance minister
    (13:51) Dawie Roodt on South Africa's fiscal problems
    (17:58) Dawie Roodt on what he would do if he were finance minister
    (22:32) Dawie Roodt on what ordinary South Africans can do to protect their wealth
    (30:32) Dawie Roodt on  South Africa's shrinking tax base
    (35:00) Dawie Roodt on offshore risks and opportunities
    (39:10) Dawie Roodt on cryptocurrencies
    (41:44) Dawie Roodt on how to navigate uncertainty
    (42:49) Conclusion

    Watch this  on YouTube

    44 min
  • Martin van Staden on the case for liberty

    Is the world confronting an illiberal moment?   

    Many democratic societies are facing challenges from both the left and right against the very idea of liberal democracy itself.   

    At the same time, governments around the world have adopted extraordinary powers in response to the Covid-19 pandemic.   

    Can liberalism survive these threats?  In this week’s episode of the Solutions With David Ansara podcast I speak to legal researcher and commentator, Martin van Staden of Sakeliga, about the state of liberalism today.   

    Liberals believe in the timeless principles put forward by John Locke, John Stuart Mill and other thinkers several hundred years ago: freedom of the individual, a market economy, the rule of law, free expression and limited government.   

    The world may have changed in many respects, but these principles offer a timeless set of tools with which to organise our political arrangements.   Fundamentally, liberalism deals with the issue of coercion and the appropriate role of the state. It is not a doctrine or a dogma: it is an approach that prioritises freedom.   

    Martin and I discuss why governments should not mandate their citizens to get the Covid-19 vaccine. We both agree that getting the jab is a good idea, we just don’t think that anybody should be forced by the state or a third party to be vaccinated against their will. This opposition is grounded on the respect for bodily integrity.  We also discuss the importance of the rule of law, why it is different to “the rule of man”, and also reflect on the relationship between individuals and groups.   

    We conclude the discussion with an examination of liberalism here in South Africa. Liberalism is one of the oldest political traditions in South Africa, but it has always been caught between the “two fires” of competing nationalisms.   

    Although there have been many reversals, Martin is relatively optimistic about the prospects for liberalism in SA and the world. The desire to be free is innate within us, and part of the human condition. "Freedom, once given, cannot be taken away,” he says.   

    Caught between a resurgent left and a reactionary right, liberals have it hardest, but as the world becomes increasingly polarized between these two extremes, this is also a great opportunity for liberals to persuade and to educate. "Liberals believe in the persuasion society, not the permission society,” he notes.  


    TIMESTAMPS  

    (00:00) Intro

    (00:38) The current state of liberalism
    (06:58) Government responses to the pandemic
    (12:39) Why vaccine mandates are illiberal
    (18:29) Managing risk in a free society
    (20:41) The vaccine and personal choice
    (24:28) The importance of the rule of law
    (31:32) The relationship between individuals and groups
    (39:09) The strengths and weaknesses of democracy
    (44:08) The future of liberalism in South Africa  
    (49:48) Conclusion


    RESOURCES  

    'The Liberal case against (vaccine) passports' by Martin van Staden (The Daily Friend, 11 Sept 2021): https://dailyfriend.co.za/2021/09/11/the-liberal-case-against-vaccine-passports-2/ 

    'Failed Democracy: Can Conservatives Tell Liberals “We Told You So”?' by Martin van Staden (Rational Standard, 14 September 2021): https://rationalstandard.com/failed-democracy-can-conservatives-tell-liberals-we-told-you-so/

    VIDEO

    WATCH this episode on YouTube.


    51 min

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